A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie

19th Year - N°217 November-December 1994
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    "Turks jail Kurdish MPs for 15 years. Severity of sentences outrages observers in court." The Guardian of December 9, 1994, reported the most controversial court case in Turkey's recent legal history under this headline.
    Ending a long, controversial trial, widely followed both at home and abroad, the State Security Court of Ankara sentenced on December 8, seven former Kurdish deputies expelled from the Turkish parliament and an independent Kurdish deputy to jail terms of up to fifteen years.
    Hatip Dicle, also former DEP Chairman, Orhan Dogan, Ahmet Türk, Leyla Zana and Selim Sadak were sentenced to fifteen years, Sedat Yurttas to seven years and six months, Mahmut Alniak and Sirri Sakik to three years and six months each, but allowed to go free pending an appeal.
    The verdict fell short of the death penalty, a possibility which caused "deep concern" at the US State Department and prompted President Mitterrand to write to European leaders about the trial.
    The eight were not tried for separatism and high treason as had been expected, but according to articles 168 and 169 of the Penal Code outlawing to help terrorists or associating with them.
    The judge said in his summing up that the four — Leyla Zana, Selim Sadak, Orhan Dogan and Hatip Dicle — had made speeches in favour of the PKK. Another MP, Sedat Yurttas, was condemned for allegedly declaring support for the PKK.
    "This is not justice!" exploded one of the deputies, who had to be restrained as soldiers led the group from the dock. relatives shouted Kurdish battle cries, ignoring policemen guarding every aisle.
    Yusuf Alatas, head of more than 200 lawyers defending the Kurds, said he would appeal and that he had repeatedly been denied the chance to introduce evidence and witnesses.
    Five of the DEP deputies and one independent had been arrested in March with Premier Ciller's provocation claiming that they were serving as the PKK's political wing and having contacts with the rebels.
    Three months later the party was banned and another two MPs were imprisoned. The party's six remaining deputies fled to asylum in Europe.
    The court claimed that four of the MPs had gone into the mountains of Southeast Turkey to visit a PKK camp. But the MPs said they were on holiday at the time and that, as they were always followed by police, the accusation was ridiculous.
    "We don't want to defend ourselves," one of the MPs concluded. "The decision against us was made a long time ago."
    Leyla Zana wrote in The Washington Post that she was being tried for speaking out as a Kurd.
    However the prison sentences still provoked outrage among the small army of European MPs and human rights campaigners who filled Ankara's state security court to overflowing.
    After the verdict, observers from Germany and France, including politicians and representatives from the International Human Rights Federation and the human rights watchdog SOS Racism, announced to stage demonstrations in front of Turkish diplomatic missions in Europe.
    Daniel Jacoby, representing the International Human Rights Federation said they would submit a report to a United Nations conference on human rights, scheduled to convene in Geneva in February 1995.
    "We hope Turkey will be thrown out of the Council of Europe," the French Socialist MP and an ex-minister Segolene Royal said. She said she would nominate the only women on trial, Leyla Zana, for the Nobel peace prize.

IHD AND TIHV TRIALS

    In two other shameful trials, the representatives from Turkey's two leading human rights organisations, the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TIHV) and the Human Rights Association (IHD) were brought before the Ankara SSC on December 19, 1994.
    TIHV Chairman Yavuz Önen and administrative board member Fevzi Argun are charged under Article 8/1 of the Anti-Terror Law for promoting separatism in "Torture File 1980-1994," published by the Foundation.
    The prosecutor demanded prison terms ranging from two to five years for both defendants, and fines of TL 100 million.
    At the second trial, IHD Chairman Akin Birdal and Secretary General Hüsnü Öndül are charged under Articles 8/1 and 8/2 of the ATL, for promoting separatism in the book "A Scene from the Burned Villages", published by the IHD. The prosecutor demanded prison terms ranging from six months to two years and fines of TL 100 million.
    The book's author, Sedat Aslantas, is also being tried on the same charges and faces a prison term of up to five years.
    Various authorities from Western countries have sent messages to the Turkish authorities and expressed their concern about the picture drawn in the human rights field.

PERINCEK SENTENCED TO THREE YEARS

    The Court of Cassation, on November 11, 1994,  ratified a three-year imprisonment against the Chairman of the Workers' Party (IP), Dogu Perincek.
    Because of an electoral declaration at the TV on October 20, 1991, Perincek had been sentenced to by the Ankara SSC to a two-year imprisonment for separatist propaganda, but the higher court, finding the sentence not enough, asked the SSC to give a higher prison term. At his second trial he had been sentenced to three years.
    After the ratification of his sentence, Perincek said: "The chairman of a political party has been condemned for having expressed his opinion on the solution of the Kurdish Question. This is a refusal of seeking any solution to the question. The court decision is against the fundamental principles of the law. The sentence that I received is a separatist one and a strike on the Turkish-Kurdish fraternity. I shall take the case to tp the European Commission of Human Rights."
    On December 12, the Governor of Istanbul banned the posters protesting against the condemnation of the Workers' Party (IP) Chairman Dogu Perincek.
    On December 14, the public prosecutor of Istanbul started a new legal proceeding against Perincek for his electoral speech at TV. He is accused of having insulted the Turkish Army and faces a prison term of up to six years by virtue of Article 159 of the Penal Code.

THE EP RESOLUTION ON TURKEY

    The European Parliament, at its session of December 15, 1994, decided to maintain the suspension of the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee until Turkey takes note of Parliament's demands and submitted to the Council a call for the immediate suspension of the talks on the establishment of a customs union between Turkey and the EU.
    The resolution on the trial of Turkish Members of Kurdish origin of the Turkish Grand National Assembly reads:

    The European Parliament,
    A. having regard to its resolutions of 10 March, 20 April and 29 September 19943 on the arrest and trial of Turkish MPs of Kurdish origin in Turkey,
    B. whereas Turkey is a member of the Council of Europe and has signed and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR),
    C. whereas the eight MPs were arrested, imprisoned and convicted as a consequence of performing their parliamentary duties, representing an act of intimidation against all members of parliament and a flagrant breach of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR),
    D. whereas on 8 December 1994 the State Security Court altered the charges, but nevertheless sentenced Mrs Leyla Zana, Mr Hatip Dicle, Mr Ahmet Turk, Mr Orhan Dogan and Mr Selim Sadak to 15 years' imprisonment, Mr Yurttas to seven years and six months' imprisonment, and Mr Sakik and Mr Alinak to three years and six months' imprisonment,
    E. whereas Mrs Leyla Zana is suffering from a serious illness, and whereas her continued imprisonment, in insanitary conditions and with no medical care, is a major factor in the deterioration of her health and may be regarded as unacceptable treatment within the meaning of the ECHR,
    F. noting with alarm that a prison sentence of four years and a fine of 200 million Turkish lira has been imposed on Mehdi Zana, apparently in connection with testimony given to the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights in 1992, concerning human rights issues in south-eastern Turkey,
    G. concerned that the chairmen of the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (which is subsidised from the Union's budget) and the Turkish Human Rights Association, who supported the MPs and condemned their trial, have been summoned to appear before the same court on 19 December 1994, charged with involvement in separatist activities,
    H. whereas the number of persons arrested and imprisoned in Turkey for expressing their political beliefs and support for trade unions is continually increasing,
    I. whereas the bomb attacks on the opposition newspaper "Özgür Ülke" killed three people and wounded several others and have made critical reporting extremely dangerous,
    J. whereas, as a result of the arbitrary dismissal of the Turkish MPs of Kurdish origin of the DEP, entire regions of south-eastern Turkey are no longer represented in the Turkish Grand National Assembly; whereas the Assembly is therefore no longer representative of the whole country,
    1. Condemns the fact that the parliamentary immunity of the victims of this political trial was withdrawn on the grounds of their opinions;
    2. Condemns all the aspects of the trial, the verdict handed down against the eight members of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and the outlawing of their party, the DEP, as a persistent violation of the principles of Turkey's representative and pluralist democracy and of fundamental human rights ;
    3. Expresses its solidarity with the convicted MPs and calls for the verdict to be quashed, for the sentences handed down to be rescinded, for the MPs to be released and restored to their duties and for the decision to dissolve their party to be revoked;
    4. Is horrified by the fact that Mr Faik Candan, one of the lawyers defending the Kurdish MPs and who disappeared on 3 December 1994, has been found dead in Ankara, his body riddled with bullets;
    5. Resolves to maintain the suspension of the EU Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee until Turkey takes note of Parliament's demands; believes, however, that unofficial contacts with Turkish parliamentarians with democratic views should be continued;
    6. Decides to submit to the Council a call for the immediate suspension of the talks on the establishment of a customs union between Turkey and the EU and, therefore, the postponement of the meeting scheduled for 19 December 1994;
    7. Points out that the agreement on customs union with Turkey is subject to the assent procedure;
    8. Calls on the Council of Europe to urge Turkey to embark on a process of dialogue in order to seek a democratic solution to the legitimate aspirations of its 15 million citizens of Kurdish origin, thereby removing a source of tension and conflict which is threatening peace and stability in the countries of the region and in Western Europe;
    9. Calls on the Member States not to deport Kurdish refugees who have fled from Turkey;
    10. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the  Commission, the governments of the Member States, the Turkish Grand National .Assembly and the Turkish Government, the Council of Europe, the UN Secretary-General and the Secretariat of the OSCE.
 
CUSTOMS UNION AGREEMENT DELAYED

    The condemnation of DEP deputies immediately cast its shadow over Turkey's ties with its Western allies during the European Union summit in Essen.
    Prior to the meeting, French President Mitterrand addressing a letter to other European leaders qualified the DEP trial as a serious attack on human rights and on the Charter of the CSCE, urged them to join him in supporting the deputies.
    German Prime Minister Kohl raised the issue at the opening session of the summit and asked EU foreign ministers to draft a statement and make a joint approach to the Turkish government.
    After the summit, a statement issued by Germany, on behalf of the 12 EU countries, said, "The European Union regrets that the trial has ended with sentences condemning a number of defendants to long-term imprisonment."
    However, the EU leaders did not take a common stand as regards the European Parliament's resolution asking to suspend the signature of a customs union between Turkey and the European Union.
    Although the Turkey-EU Association Council meeting, held on December 19, 1994, in Brussels had to report the signature to a further date, it is because of the Greek veto.
    At the meeting, European foreign ministers severely criticised Turkey for the condemnation of DEP deputies and said Ankara would have to repair this if it wanted to get closer to the EU, but they, except for Greece, did their best in order to conclude the customs union.
    Athens vetoed agreement on the customs union, which would open the huge EU market to Turkish goods, and stopped the release of 600 million ECU in financial assistance to Turkey, because it wanted a date for negotiations to begin on bringing Cyprus into the EU.
    However, German Foreign Minister Kinkel, who chaired the meeting, said the French EU presidency that starts in January 1995 plans an EU-Turkey meeting for March 7.
    Even if the Association Council manages to get through the customs union on March 7, a new debate is expected to be spurred if the whole deal needs to go to the European parliament, which has gained new powers under Maastricht Agreement.

TURKEY'S SHAME IN BUDAPEST

    At the CSCE meeting in Budapest at the beginning of December 1994, Turkey declared once more that it would not accept any inspection from the standpoint of human rights.
    Milliyet reporter Yalcin Dogan, in his article dated December 4, qualified Turkish stance as "shameful" and said:
    "It is a basic CSCE rule that human rights are not a country's internal affair. References to this principle can be seen in all CSCE documents. Like any other CSCE member, Turkey has signed all CSCE documents. Under the circumstances, saying, 'Our human rights performance concerns only us. You mind your own business," amounts to a case of gross ignorance, if not a foolish kind of nationalism.
    "Every country has certain weak points. For example, when racism or xenophobia is discussed, Germany gets criticised bitterly. When lenience towards terrorist activities is brought up, Switzerland and Greece get blamed. Also, there are many suits filed against France and Austria. The point is, all these countries do not resent these actions.
    "Yet, when it is Turkey's turn to be criticised, the Turkish side becomes uneasy, even guilty. This stubborn opposition to the CSCE inspection of the human rights situation in the member countries, makes the other countries wonder why Turkey rejects inspection. Is Turkey trying to cover up human rights violations.
    "The CSCE tends to take to the United Nations Security Council 'human rights abuses which endanger peace.' This is indeed an incredible step in the human rights arena.
    "While the CSCE prepares to take such a modern step, Turkey chooses to remain where it is."

THE ECONOMIST ACCUSES TURKEY

    The Economist of December 17, in an article headlined "Turkey and the Kurds: Ethnic Cleansing," drawing the attention to the steady evacuation of Kurdish villages and the resultant migration to large urban cities, said: "Turkey may be winning battles against Kurdish guerrillas, but it is losing the war for the support of ordinary Kurds. One such city, Diyarbakir, had 380,000 people in 1990, now it is thought to have 1.25 million."
    It summarised the latest campaign against the Kurdish insurgents, where "over 40,000 Turkish troops are pursuing 1,000-3,000 guerrillas in Tunceli province."
    "Turks like to say they do not have a Kurdish problem, only a terrorism problem. If so, they are turning the one into the other," the Economist concluded.

MINORITY RIGHTS AND TURKEY

    The framework convention on the protection of minorities was approved on November 10, 1994, in the Council of Europe's Ministerial Committee meeting in Strasbourg.
    The convention protects national minorities' language, religious and cultural freedom and in return bars them from seeking independence.
    The non-binding document, described as the first such international agreement on minorities, will take effect after 12 of the member states have ratified it but will have only limited impact, Reuters reported.
    A council spokesman said controversy forced members to drop a definition of national minorities from the final text, thus sharply cutting its effect.
    "States will probably use the loophole to say that this or that group does not constitute a national minority," he said.
    Turkey does not recognise Kurds as a minority, nor does France recognise Corsicans or Basques as minority.
    The convention authorises minorities to use and teach their own language and practice their own religion.
    It states that minorities scattered among various countries could cooperate and bans forced assimilation.
    Turkish Foreign Minister Mümtaz Soysal, who represents Turkey in the Ministerial Committee, told Turkish journalists that the exact description of the minority could not be made in the conventions. "Every state will make its description on the issue of national minorities, according to the convention. This uncertainty is useful for us," he concluded.

LIMITED RIGHTS TO CHILDREN

    The International Convention on Children Rights was ratified by the Turkish National Assembly on December 12, 1994, by putting reservations on Articles 17, 29 and 30 concerning the rights of the children of national minorities to learn their own languages or religions.

CSCE RECOMMENDS CEASE-FIRE

    The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), in a report released on November 23, 1994, recommended a "bilateral cease-fire" between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
    The CSCE report, based on its Co-Chairman Senator Dennis DeConcini's visit to Turkey in October, recommends that "if the PKK were to declare a unilateral cease-fire — as it did in March 1993 — the Turkish Government should seriously consider suspending its costly military campaign. Such a bilateral cease-fire can be a first step toward establishing a climate in which non-military approaches can be discusses and implemented."
    The CSCE report also said that "for years Turkey has repressed, often brutally, a separate Kurdish cultural identity in favour of a secular Turkish identity. Whereas Turkey is not the same as it was only five years ago, the steady progression from denying the mere existence of Kurds to granting certain restricted liberties, has been accompanied by a growing gulf of mistrust between Kurds and Turks."
    The CSCE report made the following recommendations to the Turkish government regarding the Kurdish problem:
    "1) Allow all non-violent political parties to participate in political life.
    "2) Abolish restrictions on free expression including those within the Anti-Terrorism law.
    "3) Repeal the State of Emergency.
    "4) Dismantle the village guard system.
    "5) Remove all restrictions on Kurdish linguistic and cultural expression.
    "6) Lift constraints on dissemination of Kurdish language television and radio broadcasts, print, music and other media.
    "7) Develop a government sponsored Institute of Kurdish Studies and allow schools to offer instruction in Kurdish, and
    "8) Convene a high-profile conference to examine all aspects of Turkish-Kurdish relations."

THE PKK ASK FOR CEASE-FIRE

    A few days after the CSCE report was released, the daily Özgür Ülke of November 26 announced that PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan had sent a letter to the governments of the United States, Germany, France, Britain, as well as CSCE, United Nations, Council of Europe and NATO, asking for a bilateral cease-fire.
    "The PKK is not insisting on the idea of an independent Kurdistan anymore, but we demand an immediate intervention to the Kurdish problem. We want the Turkish and the Kurdish people to live together", Öcalan said in his letter.

"PROVIDE COMFORT" AGAIN EXTENDED

    The Turkish National Assembly approved on December 28 another extension for the mandate of a controversial Turkey-based Western air force dubbed Provide Comfort, protecting the Iraqi Kurds from attack by Saddam Hussein's forces.
    The decision gives another six-month mandate for the U.S., British, French and Turkish war-planes and helicopters to patrol the Kurdish zone in northern Iraq from the Incirlik air base in southern Turkey.
    Operation Provide Comfort was deployed in Turkey in 1991 immediately after the Gulf War in order to prevent a mass influx of northern Iraqi Kurds to Turkey. These Kurds, numbering over 400,000, had fled the wrath of Iraqi forces loyal to Saddam Hussein after their failed uprising in the wake of the Gulf War.
    Unable to cope with such an influx, and worried that the presence of so many Kurds on its territory would aggravate its o
    Operation Provide Comfort was deployed in Turkey in 1991 immediately after the Gulf War in order to prevent a mass influx of northern Iraqi Kurds to Turkey. These Kurds, numbering over 400,000, had fled the wrath of Iraqi forces loyal to Saddam Hussein after their failed uprising in the wake of the Gulf War.
    Unable to cope with such an influx, and worried that the presence of so many Kurds on its territory would aggravate its own Kurdish problem, Turkey had called on the allies for help. The allied response was to set up this operation in order to relieve.
    These facts, however, fallen by the wayside today and the presence of this force in Turkey are being contested by different opposition groups for different reasons.
    The opponents of the operations against the Kurds accuse the Provide Comfort of providing the Turkish Army with logistical information about the Kurdish guerrilla settlements in Northern Iraq. In fact, The Turkish Daily News of December 29, 1994, quoted some military officials saying that the cross-border operations into northern Iraq by Turkey against PKK camps in the region would not be taking place as easily as they do if Provide Comfort did not exist.
    Many hawks politicians, on the contrary, claim that U.S. elements attached to this operation were actually and actively helping the PKK against Turkish security forces. DSP leader Bülent Ecevit consistently argues that the United States is basically after a Kurdish state in Southeast Anatolia and that Provide Comfort is the tool by which it wants to achieve this.
    As for the Islamist RP, its chairman Necmettin Erbakan said the Provide Comfort was an occupation force which compromised the country's sovereignty and caused Turkey to lose $20 billion of the past three years because of sanctions against Iraq.
    The fact that the coalition parties, on the directive of the National Security Council dominated by the military commanders, voted in favour of the extension of Provide Comfort, this force's presence in Turkey has been to the advantage of the government forces in their operation against the Kurdish guerrilla in Turkey and in Northern Iraq.

CILLER'S BLUNDERS IN MIDDLE EAST

    Prime Minister Ciller's first tour in the Middle East and in Maghreb at the beginning of November was marked by a series of new gaffes displaying too plainly the lack of a Turkish policy on the region.
    First of all, as returning from the Islamic summit in Morocco, she paid an unprogrammed visit to Libyan leader Gadhafi,  even without informing Foreign Minister Soysal, and promised him to do her best in order to reintegrate Libya into the international community.
    During her visit to Israel, aiming to obtain, among others, a close collaboration between Turkish and Israeli intelligence services in fight against the Kurdish national movement, Ciller talked of "promised lands", which angered Palestinians.
    Just after this gaffe, Ciller paid an unprogrammed visit to Palestinian Foreign Minister Faisal Husseini at Orient House in Jerusalem, which is considered by Israeli politicians as a confirmation that East Jerusalem is the capital of the future Palestinian state. This gesture prompted a motion by Likud to close down the Orient House. Prime Minister Rabin, who had hosted Ciller for three days said, following the Ciller-Husseini meeting, "This is a shame an a regrettable incident."
    Sabah columnist Cengiz Candar depicted the visit as a Shakespearean Comedy of Errors. "Despite her attractive physique and permanent smile, Ciller is not able to match the intellectual capacity," he said.

ANNUAL INFLATION RATE: 150%

    Turkey's chronic inflation was, at the end of 1994, reported to have reached the highest wholesale and retail rates in the history of the Turkish Republic, something which Prime Minister Tansu Ciller referred to as "a success in itself."
    When she became State Minister charged with economic affairs in 1991, Ciller had claimed to reduce the inflation rate to 20%.
    Always fooling the public opinion, Ciller had repeated on July 13, 1994: "The IMF as well as the World Bank are expecting miracles from us... The inflation rate will stand in the 20s in the second half of the year.
    However, after her four-year period of power, the State Institute of Statistics (DIE) announced that the year-end (cumulative) wholesale price inflation was a record high 149.6 per cent, more than doubling the 1991 inflation.
    The following are other vital indicators showing Ciller's performance in economic matters which led Turkey to a catastrophic decline:
    • Economy shrank by 6.1 percent in the first nine months.
    • Capacity utilisation in the January-September period at 75.5 percent.
    • There are more than 4 million unemployed and under employed persons in the economy, representing 19.8 percent of total labour force.
    • Foreign deficit at $4.5 billion in first 11 months.
    • Domestic debt stock at TL 600 trillion; foreign debt stock at $60 billion.
    • Deficits of State Economic Enterprises at TL 78 trillion.
    • Year-end budget deficit estimated at TL 160 trillion.
    • Turkey ranks eight in risk criteria among developing countries, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit.
    • Moody's and Standard and Poor's retain Turkey in "speculative country" category.
    • Central Bank's foreign currency reserves stand at $7.065 billion.
    • Money circulation at TL 115.5 trillion.
    • U.S. dollar/Turkish lira parity at 40,000. Turkish lira lost 61 percent of its value in one year.
    Main opposition Motherland Party (ANAP) leader Mesut Yilmaz said:
    "For us, the government's overall rating in economic management is a big zero. This is the worse economic picture of the republican era. Turkey's prime minister, who is a professor of economics, has managed to achieve a 150 percent inflation rate together with a 5 percent contraction in the economy. This is called a failure anywhere on the globe. The real incomes of civil servants have plunged by 150 percent over the past year. This is breaking the record of Pinochet."
    Islamist Welfare Party (RP) Chairman Necmettin Erbakan claiming that 1995 will be worse than 1994 said: "Cowboy capitalism is crushing the poor while enriching the already rich happy minority."

GROWING ANGER OF THE WORKING PEOPLE

    The principal victim of Ciller's economic policies, the workers and civil servants held mass demonstrations in November and December.
    Turkish trade unions, in a joint action, led a massive protest march in Ankara on November 26 to protest the government policies and the draft 1995 budget which again curbs wage and salary hikes.
    Police used clubs to halt some workers who wanted to defy a ban on demonstration outside the Parliament. 3,000 policemen were deployed throughout Ankara. Vehicles coming into Ankara were carefully checked and some busses carrying workers were not allowed to enter the capital.
    In anger, some workers stoned Bayram Meral, Chairman of the Turkish Trade Union Confederation (Türk-Is), claiming he had sold out the labour movement.
    On December 20, civil servants went on a series of protest actions throughout Turkey. Tens of thousands marchers occupied the main streets of the big cities and chanted slogans against the government.

RIDICULOUS SENTENCES FOR SIVAS ARSONISTS

    As intellectuals are being sentenced only for their opinions to life-long prison terms, the Ankara State Security Court sentenced on December 26, 1994, the Fundamentalists, who set fire to a hotel in Sivas last year and caused the deaths of 37 intellectuals, to ridiculous penalties.
    The court decided on 15 years for the 23 defendants who were seen as bearing the chief responsibility for the outrage. It sentenced 63 others to terms from two to 10 years, and acquitted a further 37.
    The convicted fanatics protested at the verdicts by shouting slogans and curses, throwing objects at the panel of judges and at reporters covering the final hearing.
    Lawyers representing the relatives of the fire victims  said they would appeal against the sentences which were not commensurate with the gravity of the crime. The verdicts also caused an emotional outburst from the victims' relatives, who objected to the lenient sentences and later staged a march. "The murderers are still free, where is the state?," and "The state is a murderer," they chanted.
    The defendants had been arrested after a fundamentalist mob burned down the Hotel Madimak in Sivas on July 2, 1993. Thirty-seven artists and academics, assembled to commemorate a medieval Turkish bard hanged for advocating resistance against religious and political oppression, died in the fire.
    Aziz Nesin, an internationally renowned Turkish writer who was main target for the mob because of his translations from Salman Rushdie's controversial book "Satanic Verses", survived the attack.
    In rejecting the death penalty requested by the prosecutor against the Fundamentalists, the court took into account Nesin's presence in Sivas during the ceremonies. After announcing the verdicts, the court ordered an investigation against the writer for disregarding the official ban on the book and thereby insulting Islam and holding the state in contempt.
    As Nesin, 80, is being harassed by Turkish authorities in his own country, the Committee to Protect Journalists in New York honoured him on November 10, 1994, with the "International Freedom Award" for his courageous struggle for the freedom of opinion.
    In his address at the ceremony, Nesin focused on the dangers of fundamentalism to Turkey and the whole world. He also called on those present to support his call for an international conference on tolerance and freedom.

BOMB ATTACK BY ISLAMISTS

     A bomb attack by a fundamentalist group at the cafe of The Marmara Hotel in Istanbul on December 30, 1994, killed archaeologist Yasemin Cebenoyan and paralysed a distinguished Turkish intellectual, Onat Kutlar.
    The criminal act was reportedly committed by a radical group of Islamists who started a campaign against "the celebration of the New Year in a Muslim country."
    Not only the radical Islamist groups, but also the President of Religious Affairs, attached to the Prime Minister Ciller's Office, had declared that the celebration of a Christian festivity by Turks was incompatible with Islamic rules.
    Onat Kutlar, a famous writer and a columnist of the daily Cumhuriyet, was also the founder of the Turkish Cinematheque.

ISLAMIST SHOW AT ATATÜRK'S MAUSOLEUM

    On November 10, 1994, the commemoration ceremony of the 56th anniversary of the death of Atatürk was marked a new mediatique show by the Islamists.
    Just before the minute of silence held by the President of the Republic and other political and military leaders at the Mausoleum, an Islamist militant started to shout in front of TV cameras: "Do not bow down to pieces of stone that do not see or hear. Fear the retribution of Allah! Do not worship idols, Allah is the mightiest!"
    The demonstrator was later taken into custody.
    The Welfare Party (RP) Parliamentary Group Chairman Oguzhan Asiltürk described the incident as a provocation targeted at creating hostility toward the RP.

CILLER FLIRTING WITH FUNDAMENTALISTS

    Aware of the fact that the Islamist Welfare Party (RP) is getting stronger and stronger because of her government's unpopular policies, Prime Minister Ciller launched a double-sided campaign for slowing down her failure.
    On December 6, 1994, talking to Turkish reporters on her way to Budapest for the CSCE summit, Ciller said her government possessed "important documents (incriminating the RP)" and that it could bring the RP onto the agenda of the Parliament just like the (now-banned) Democracy Party (DEP).
    Ciller issued the threat against the RP in connection with the charges of irregularities connected with a RP-led funds raising campaign to help the embattled Muslims of Bosnia.
    However, this threat provoked a large debate on the government's practice to have opposition parties closed down one by one.
    Main opposition ANAP spokesman Eyüp Asik immediately responded to Ciller by saying it was not for the prime ministers but courts to bring such issues to the agenda of the parliament. "The prime minister's statement is an ignorant one, harmful to a state of law. She is talking as if she can accept those she likes into the parliament and can keep out those she doesn't. Closing a party just because it is scoring gains can be compatible neither with democracy, nor law. Besides, it will only serve to further strengthen it."
    As she is menacing the RP, Ciller herself, in a move to gain over the Islamist electorate, began to flirt openly with the main figures of different fundamentalist groups.
    On December 13, the daily Milliyet reported that Ciller already met with Feyzettin Erol, the nephew of the late Naksibendi leader Muhammed Rasit Erol. Earlier, Ciller had invited the Fethullahci's leader to her official residence for talks and thus tacitly gave state recognition to the legitimacy of the Fethullahci movement.
    Same day, the daily Hürriyet reported that Ciller had met not only with Fethullah Hoca, but also with Mehmet Kutlulular, one of the leaders of the Nurcus.

STATE'S SUPPORT TO ISLAMISTS

    Despite the face-saving declarations of the coalition partners DYP and SHP claiming to be defender of the secular State, the national budget 1995 proves that the present government has made the State the biggest supporter of the Islamic organizations.
    In 1995, from the budget of Education Ministry, TL 4.8 trillion is located for religious education, which is TL 161.8 billion more than the grant given to 37 universities of the country.
    The share that is allocated to the Directorate of Religious Affairs, TL 12.3 trillion, is equal to the budget of five ministries: Tourism, Environment, Industry, Transportation and Energy and Natural Resources Ministries.
    Some of the share allocated to the Directorate of Religious Affairs is spent for imam (religious man) education. Although Turkey only needs 1,000 imams a year, there are 476,000 students enrolled in 454 imam-hatip schools.
    When added to the number of previous graduates from these schools, it becomes more than one million imams. This means that there is one imam for 50 people in Turkey. In addition, there are plans to open many more imam-hatip schools.
    A person who goes to imam-hatip school to be an imam is allowed since the Özal's period to enter universities. Subsequently, people who graduated from imam-hatip schools hold today important positions in the administration of the country.
    One of the main reasons for the success of the RP in the last local elections was this support given by the state.
    By the side of this Islamist implantation in the State administration, the Islamist movement has 111 members of Parliament belonging, not only to the RP, but also to other right wing parties.
    39 RP deputies along with 39 deputies from the ruling coalition partner DYP, 20 from the main opposition ANAP, 15 from neo-fascist MHP and 10 deputies from the other small parties and independents constitute a "holy alliance" in Parliament and act as one on Islamic issues.

A NEW POLITICAL PARTY IN TURKEY

    After a year-and-a-half of preparation, the New Democracy Movement (YDH), led by young businessmen Cem Boyner, 38, officially registered as a political party on December 22, 1994.
    The 133 founders of the YDH, including some former left-wing intellectuals, journalists and businessmen, elected Boyner as chairman of the party.
    Boyner, a giant in the textile industry in Turkey, has criss-crossed the country since last May making public appearances and trying to gain popular support, emphasised solving the Kurdish question and securing democracy and freedom using a liberal approach, both in politics and economics.
    Former chairman of the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen's Association, Boyner told journalists in an interview in July 1994, "We don't have a Kurdish problem, we have a Turkish problem. It is the Turks who have the problem because they don't want to give Kurds freedoms. But giving them these rights is not a reform, it's giving back what he stole 70 years ago when the republic was founded."
    And on the Islam:
    "Since the republic's creation in 1923, Turkish governments have sought to tame the power of Islam by paying state approved religious leaders and institutions and restricting Islamic garb. A complete separation of religion and state is necessary. Past attempts to control of channel Islam have in fact helped to radicalise conservative Moslems."
    Boyner's attempt to storm Turkish politics may be reminiscent of the flamboyant style in which Italian tycoon Silvio Berlusconi swept to power. Many people, weary of unkept promises and corruption in high places, seem very prudent as regards the new party and consider this handsome businessman a new mediatique figure launched by the ruling circles to replace another mediatique figure, Prime Minister Ciller, who failed in her economic policies. 
    In a recent issue of Time magazine, Boyner was included in a list of 100 young leaders of the future in the world.

NEW CRISIS IN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

    The Turkish social democracy, divided into three political parties, is getting weaker because of the SHP's complicity in the coalition government's unpopular policies.
    The crisis was sharpened when the four-month foreign minister Mümtaz Soysal, a radical nationalist figure of the SHP, had to withdraw on November 28, 1994, from the government because of his divergences with Premier Ciller's foreign policies.
    Soysal had already opposed to Ciller's ambitious privatisation programs.
    In his letter of resignation addressed to Ciller, Soysal said, "Your attitude obstructing the arrangements I wanted to make in the ministry falling under my responsibility, has been incompatible with my understanding of government."
    In fact, Ciller had fallen at odds with Soysal over the appointment of a new under-secretary for the Foreign Ministry.
    Behind Soysal's resignation there is also the pressure of the United States on Ciller. In many issues such as Cyprus, Comfort Provide Operation, visa application to foreigners and the privatisation programme, the USA and some other western countries expressed their dissatisfaction with Soysal.
    On October 3, the daily Hürriyet reported that National Intelligence Organization (MIT) Under-secretary Sönmez Köksal paid a secret visit to Washington two weeks ago where he met top officials of the CIA, pentagon and State Secretary.
    Reminding that Assistant secretary of State, Peter Tanhoff is "the American official sent to Ankara by the U.S. administration to check out Mümtaz Soysal", the newspaper asked, "Köksal's meeting with the CIA chief and the Pentagon official is not extraordinary, but the meeting with the State Department official Tanhoff is not routine. One starts thinking what has an intelligence chief got to do at the State Department? What did Tanhoff have to discuss with Köksal so soon after his meeting with Soysal? Did Prime Minister Ciller send certain messages to the U.S. administration through Köksal? Did Köksal bring some message for Ciller from the U.S.?"
    Whatsoever be the reason of this meeting, it is a fact that Soysal had to resign one month after this talk.
    Although SHP leader and Vice-Premier Murat Karayalcin replaced Soysal at the Foreign Ministry, his absolute complicity with Ciller's unpopular and pro-U.S. policies proves that Soysal fell victim of a secret agreement between Ankara and Washington.
    This operation has further aggravated the crisis which exists in social democrat movement and under the pressure of the rank-and-file, the leaders of the two social democrat parties, the Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP) of Karayalcin  and the Republican People's Party (CHP) of Deniz Baykal, to start a procedure in a view to unite two parties in a new one.
    As for the third social democrat party, the Democratic Left Party (DSP) of Ecevit, counting on its rising popularity, preferred to rest out of this procedure.
    A joint convention fixed for the end of January 1995 is also called to choose the chairman of the new unified party. Along with Karayalcin and Baykal, Soysal too takes part among the contenders for the party leadership.
    The outcome of the joint convention will also be determining the future of the present DYP-SHP coalition.

HADEP TO SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL

    The People's Democracy Party (HADEP) announced on December 27 its decision to apply for membership in Socialist International.
    The party's chairman Murat Bozlak said that members of his party had talked to the international secretaries of several European social democratic parties during the SI working group on the Kurds in Ankara on December 16.
    "We were welcomed and told that a delegation from the Socialist International would come to Turkey next month to gather information relevant to our membership application," he said.
    Up to now, only the Social democratic People's Party (SHP), the junior coalition partner, has been the only member of Socialist International in Turkey.
    As regard the SHP, Bozlak said: "The SHP, rather than being a progressive party, as is required of social democratic organizations, actually represents an obstacle to progress in Turkey. The SHP is responsible for every unjust practice in Turkey because it is a government partner in the cabinet. It is not a social democratic party any more with its current stance on democracy and human rights."

COLLECTIVE VILLAGES IN SOUTHEAST

    Prime Minister Ciller, on November 28, announced plans to set up "central" or collective villages to group together widely-dispersed settlements, mainly in the Southeast.
    According to the Turkish press, the main objective of this plan is to take under a stricter control the Kurdish villages. The Turkish authorities have been blaming the dispersed settlements — over 5,000 — in the Southeast as a prime cause of rebel successes and their ability to recruit militants, find shelter and collect provisions.
    Grouping dispersed settlements into bigger and better defensible units is reminiscent of a policy Iraq followed in the past to assert its control over its rebellious Kurds.
    Ciller said the European Resettlement Fund had responded favourably to Turkey's request for financial backing totalling TL 10 trillion ($277 million).
    Noting that there were 72,000 villages across the country, excluding hamlets, Ciller said the projected new settlements would provide better security and better communications.
    HADEP Vice-Chairman Ismail Arslan severely criticised the Collective Villages project and said there is a big similarity between this project and the Strategic Villages project implemented by the United States in Vietnam.
    "The implementation of this project means sending many more policemen, soldiers, village protectors to the area and harsher repression, intimidation and violence for the inhabitants."

SECURITY EVALUATION COUNCIL

    Interior Minister Nahit Mentese, addressing Parliament's Plan and Budget Commission on November 6, announced plans to establish a new "Security Evaluation Council" which would, among other things, work to dry out the PKK's financial sources.
    According to press reports, this council will extend its sphere of action to European countries as well and implement measures for chasing and eliminating Kurdish activists and their sympathisers.
    Mentese also referred to Ciller's visit to Israel during, which she agreed with Israel leaders to develop cooperation between the intelligence services of the two countries, and said, "The information exchange between MOSSAD and other intelligence organizations is important in coping with terrorism in the region."

CLUSTER BOMB SALE TO TURKEY?

    The Human Rights Watch Arms Project revealed on December 28, 1994, that the USA is considering the sale of America's latest and most deadly cluster bomb to Turkey. Previously unknown to the public or Congress, there is a tense debate taking place in the State Department and Defence Department over whether or not to permit Minnesota-based Alliant Techsystems to sell 493 CBU-87 cluster bombs to Turkey.
    "The State Department should under no circumstance approve the sale of this weapon, which has such a high potential for misuse, to the government of Turkey, which has an abominable human rights record," said Stephen Goose, the program director of the Arms Project. Mr. Goose noted, "We are deeply concerned that Turkey will use these cluster bombs indiscriminately in its conflict with Kurdish rebels, with devastating effects on the civilian population."
    Each CBU-87 can saturate an area the size of a football field with 202 small, individual bomblets. Each bomblet has three "kill mechanisms": a bomb case designed to break into approximately 300 fragments that can cause human death or injury up to 500 feet in all directions, a shaped charge that can penetrate five inches of armour, and an incendiary ring that can start fires in any combustible environment. The CBU-87 was used extensively by US Air forces in the Gulf War, and caused a great deal of civilian suffering.
    The CBU-87 costs between $14,000-15,000 each; this is five times more expensive than a Vietnam-era cluster bomb ($1,990), and fifteen times more expensive than a general purpose bomb.
    On June 21, 1994, the US company Alliant Techsystems signed a contract to provide 493 CBU-87 Combined Effects Munition units to the Turkish Ministry of Defence. However, the US State Department has yet to issue the necessary export license to permit deliveries to go forward.
    The 28-page report, titled "US Cluster Bombs for Turkey?," also points out that Turkey is the third large recipient of US military aid, after Israel and Egypt, with $5.1 billion in grants and loans over the past ten years. The US is Turkey's number one arms supplier, providing about four-fifths of Turkey's arms imports.

A HIGHER BUDGET FOR THE ARMY

    Despite the end of the Cold War, Turkey keeps spending heavily on military purposes, mainly for combating Kurdish national movement at home and for keeping its neighbours under a permanent menace.
    Defence Minister Mehmet Gölhan stated that the major part of the 1995 budget is allocated to military expenditures which rise to TL 153 million ($425 million) for the coming year.
    The sum makes up 11.5% of the general budget. However, expenditure often exceeds initial estimates in view of stepped-up military operations in Kurdish areas. Turkey currently has a 850,000-man army.
    Gölhan said only TL 37 trillion, or a quarter of the proposed sum would be spent on new weapons whereas expenditure on personnel would take twice as much.
    An initial $4.2 billion project for the home production of 160 US designed F-16 jets was nearly complete with 153 of the planes already handed over to the Turkish Air Force.
    Gölhan said the Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) plant had also produced 17 of the 46 F16s ordered by Egypt. Twelve of the planes had been delivered.
    Under a multinational project with Turkish participation, 323 Stinger air-to-air missiles had been delivered to the air force.
    Beside the jets, he said 40 training and 14 light transport planes had been produced for the air force and 45 Sikorsky Black Hawk, together with 20 Cougar helicopters acquired from the United States had been handed over.
    Preparations for the acquisition of six remote-controlled reconnaissance planes and a ground control station were proceeding as scheduled. Referring to recent developments concerning the navy, Gölhan said that the fleet had been rejuvenated by the acquisition of five more Knox-class frigates to add to four of the same class that had entered service in 1983.
    Among the new weaponry the armed forces planned to build at home or purchase from abroad, the minister listed two 1,400-ton submarines, five 400-ton patrol boats equipped with guided missiles, two Track-II class frigates, 20 training helicopters and three fire-control systems for artillery.

MILITARY SERVICE TERM RAISED   

    The Council of Minister decreed on December 23 to raise the term of obligatory military service from fifteen months to eighteen months.
    As for reserve officers, their obligatory term of service too was raised from twelve months to sixteen months.
    Failed in repressive operations against the Kurdish armed struggle, the Turkish Armed Forces will have more soldiers in Kurdistan by this extension.
    The cost of this decision is estimated at TL 5 trillion for the national budget.
   

EMERGENCY LAW EXTENDED AGAIN

    Contrary to the promises of the coalition government, the emergency law in ten provinces of the Southeast was once more extended for four months by the decision of the Parliament on November 15, 1994.
    In fact, the National Assembly by doing it ratified a decision already taken by the National Security Council, a extra-parliamentary organ composed of army chiefs and some key ministers.

KURDISH DEPUTY'S HOUSE ATTACKED

    Independent Kurdish deputy Abdülmelik Firat said on December 12 that unidentified gunmen had sprayed his house with bullets and that he was being targeted by circles who did not want peace but supported the continuation of fighting in Turkey.
    Firat, reminding reporters that he is the grandson of Seyh Sait, a rebel Kurdish leader from the early years of the Republic, said he had been subject to intimidation.
    "It is obvious who sprayed my house with bullets. We are working for a solution to the Kurdish problem in the Parliament. The people who don't want peace are responsible for this. Police officers who arrived at my house after the incident told me: 'Let's just say we fired the bullets and close the matter.' The weapons industry made a living from the bloodshed in Turkey which is being ruled by a junta government," he said.

A KURDISH LAWYER ASSASSINATED

    On November 12, distinguished Kurdish lawyer Medet Serhat, 59, was shot dead by unidentified gunmen as returning home in his car. His driver Ismail Karaalioglu too fell victim of the sabotage. Serhat was one of the top officials of the Turkish Peace Association. He was also the lawyer of a Kurdish businessman, Behcet Cantürk, who was assassinated on January 15, 1994.

HUNGER STRIKES IN PRISONS

    Security forces raiding on November 9, 1994, the Human Rights Association (IHD) headquarters arrested more than 116 people who were on hunger strike in solidarity with the joint resistance action of their parents in prisons. During the operation eight people were gravely wounded and taken to hospital.
    The IHD reports that hunger strikes are being carried out in 21 prisons in protest against inhuman detention conditions. IHD Chairman Akin Birdal says that Justice Minister Mehmet Mogultay, in response to their complaints, claimed that he could not make anything to end this situation because the matter passes over his authority.
    The following are the prisons in which political prisoners are on hunger strike since the dates mentioned in parentheses: Diyarbakir (Oct 5), Konya (Oct 3), Gaziantep (Oct 7), Malatya (Oct 7), Mardin (Oct 10), Bursa (Oct 10), Canakkale (Oct 10), Urfa (Oct 9), Batman (Oct 9), Adiyaman (Sept 20), Sivas (Oct 13), Elazig (Oct 8), Izmir-Buca (Oct 6), Ceyhan (Oct 9), Cankiri (Oct 9), Nevsehir (Oct 15), Ankara (Oct 9), Aydin (Oct 11), Yozgat (Oct 10), Bartin (Oct 10 and Karaman (Oct 11).

ASSYRIAN DOCTOR ASSASSINATED

    An Assyrian doctor was killed by gunmen in the town of Midyat in Mardin province on December 19, 1994. The victim was Edvard Tanriverdi, 56, a general practitioner.
    The Reuter News Agency reports:
    About 3,000 Assyrians, remnants of the ancient Christian community, live uneasily in and around Midyat, where they have an ancient Christian Orthodox church.
    The Syriac Christian leader in the town, who asked not to be named, said Tanriverdi was gunned down shortly after midnight as he parked his car in front of his home, returning from a visit with friends. He was shot in the head and stomach and died instantly.
    Officials said two assailants were believed to be involved.
    The tiny community is caught in a region where a separatist war led by Kurdish guerrillas since 1984 often rages as troops and rebels fight for control. The Assyrians also fear harassment by nationalist or religious extremist groups and complain of being treated with suspicion by officials despite being full-fledged Turkish citizens.
    "The community has no more hope, no more energy, no more comfort," the Syriac community leader said.
    He said Tanriverdi's killing was the first major attack on a member since Sükrü Tutus, mayor of Idil township in Sirnak, was killed in similar circumstances on June 17, 1994.

GREEK PATRIARCH ACCUSED

    The Interior Minister Nahit Mentese, on December 19, charged the Istanbul Governor with opening an investigation against the Greek Orthodox Patriarch Bartelemos. He is accused of having carried out activities abroad against Turkey and of collaborating with Greece and Russia for being the spiritual leader of all Orthodox believers of the world.

BRITISH CITIZENS ON BLACK LIST

    According to the Turkish Daily News of December 16, Turkey has formulated a black list of British citizens unwelcome in Turkey, which includes parliamentarians, journalists and human rights activists.
    The leading names in the list are Lord Avebury, the head of the Human Rights Commission of the British Parliament; Amnesty International Turkish desk chief Johnathan Sugden and journalist Andrew Penny.
    The list was submitted to the British Embassy in Ankara; however, no reason was given to the British diplomats as to why the people on the list were unwelcome in Turkey.

GREENPEACE MEMBERS DETAINED

    In Sinop, 33 members of Greenpeace were detained as they were carrying on a protest action against the project of constructing a nuclear energy station in Akkuyu. Among the detainees are the Greenpeace Mediterranean Coordinator, Mario Damato, and 27 other foreigners.

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

    The Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD) announced the following human rights violations in last two months of 1994:

    November    December

Arrests    164    111
Dead in conflicts    326    302
Burned or evacuated villages    41    21
Bombed places    21    24
Killed by unidentified    17    10
Deaths in custody or under torture    21    19
Cases of torture    36    26
Raided associations    14    7
Sentences    36 Years    138 Years
Fines    TL 2.383 billion    TL 2.653 billion
Prisoners of opinion    107    119

STATE TERRORISM IN NOVEMBER

    1.11, the Secretary General of the Turkish Doctors' Union (TTB), Ata Soyer is interrogated by the Ankara SSC Prosecutor concerning with his criticism against the practice of sending a number of doctors to the Emergency Law area.
    1.11, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Abdülkerim Deniz and Behcet Deniz in Batman and Baki Hanen in Diyarbakir.
    1.11, in Adana, Mehmet Kazik claims to have been tortured during his police detention together with his son Abdurrahman Kazik.
    2.11, in Mersin, 70-year old Ahmet Ergen claims to have been beaten by a police team raiding his house on pretext of searching his son wanted by security forces.
    3.11, the Istanbul office of the Human Rights Association (IHD) is raided and searched by police. Seven people are detained during the raid.
    3.11, the Court of Cassation ratifies a four-year imprisonment against Mehdi Zana, former mayor of Diyarbakir and husband of the DEP deputy Leyla Zana. He was also sentenced by the Ankara SSC to a fine of TL 200 million for his declarations during a visit to the European Parliament in Brussels. Zana was already sentenced to another for-year imprisonment which is at the Court of Cassation. He had been imprisoned for eleven years after the 1980 military coup.
    3.11, HADEP Ankara Chairman Imam Canpolat is sentenced by the Ankara SSC to four years in prison and TL 500 million in fine for his speech at the last Newroz celebrations. After the trial, Canpolat is immediately arrested and put in prison.
    4.11, in Istanbul, a youth named Ecevit Balci is shot dead as putting a political poster on walls. A young woman, Ayfer Acil, is detained after being wounded during the police operation.
    5.11, in Semdinli, Selim Demir, Ali Er and Emin Er fall victims of the explosion of a mine laid by security forces.
    5.11, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Mehmet Akin in Silvan and Bedri Kamin in Diyarbakir.
    6.11, security forces, raiding the village of Verimli in Kars, detain 16 people on charges of aiding the PKK.
    8.11, a group composed of writers, artists and human rights militants were prevented by the Governor of the Emergency Law Region from entering the province of Tunceli to investigate the reports on the villages burnt by security forces.
    9.11, the DYP candidate for the mayorship of Atabag in Siirt, Ekrem Canpolat is assassinated by the village protectors.
    12.11, in the village of Bulakbasi of Igdir, two children, Resul Ürecil (9) and Harun Sahin (10) fall victims of the explosion of a bomb left by security forces. Four other children are wounded at the explosion.
    13.11, in Mersin, HADEP sympathiser Emin Özdemir claims to have been tortured by police after his detention on November 9.
    14.11, in Adana, Neval Colak claims to have been    
tortured for two days after being detained by police on November 11.
    14.11, security forces reportedly arrest tens of people at the Kurdish quarters of Mersin and HADEP official Zeki Altindag together with ten people in Batman.
    14.11, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Haci Mustafa Suman in Viransehir.
    16.11, the Erzincan SSC Prosecutor starts a legal proceeding against nine lawyers, Necati Güven, Mahmut Tuncer Caferoglu, Abdürrahim Firat, Giyasettin Kaya, Eyüp Duman, Ahmet Gerez, Bahattin Eryilmaz, Mehmet Emin Adiyaman and Ali Demir, on charges of pro-PKK activities. The prosecutor also indicts the Director of Erzurum Prison, Zülfikar Catici, and prison guard Ibrahim Diler on the same charges. In relation with this legal action, three public prosecutors in Erzurum, Salim Atici, Ömer Kocarslan and Mithat Özcan are removed from their posts.
    17.11, the Izmir SSC places under arrest thirteen people for pro-PKK activities.
    18.11, security forces raiding a house in Diyarbakir shoot dead three people whose names are not disclosed.
    18.11, in a series of police operations, nine HADEP members are detained in Osmaniye and a TIKKO member at the Kapikule checkpoint in Edirne.
    18.11, university student Lokman Abik is assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    18.11, a 13 year-old boy, A.S., claims to have been tortured at the Kurtulus Police Station in Istanbul after being detained on charge of theft. The torture is certified by the Forensic Medicine of Sisli.
    18.11, lawyer Gül Kireckaya is harassed by police as she is trying to meet her client.
    18.11, at the village of Yelkenli in Bitlis, 11-year old Cüneyt Tarhan is killed by the explosion of a mine laid by security forces.
    19.11, a meeting to protest human rights violation is forbidden by the Governor of Izmir.
    19.11, the Governor of Istanbul bans a panel organized by the IHD Ankara Section on "education and human rights."
    20.11, security forces detain 41 people in Izmir on charges of taking part in TIKKO activities.
    20.11, in Izmir, lawyer Betül Duran claims that her two clients, Ahmet Korkmaz and Aliyar Simsek, were tortured at the Political Police Department.
    20.11, the Ankara SSC Prosecutor starts a legal proceeding against three lawyers, Murat Demir, Ahmet Düzgün Yüksel and Zeki Rüzgar, who were detained on September 27, 1994, together with two other persons in Ankara on charges of taken part in Dev-Sol activities.
    20.11, in Van, Emin Aksa and Izzettin Kurt claim to have been tortured by police after being detained on November 14.
    21.11, local tribunals place under arrest 19 people in Mersin and two in Osmaniye for pro-PKK activities.
    22.11, in Batman, Serif Gök, brother of the city mayor, is shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    24.11, in Batman, Menaf Dinler, Vahdettin Boral, Zeynel Abidin Dinler, Saim Bütüner, Nevzat Acikalin and Sabrettin Boral claim after their release to have been tortured after being detained on November 21. They say that three other persons, Vecdin Dinler, Mecdettin Dinler and Imadettin Dinler, are still kept under custody and subjected to torture.
    26.11, the Izmir office of the Mechanical Transport Workers' Trade Union (TUMTIS) is raided by a group of unidentified persons. The assailants who are reportedly MHP militants, after locking up the personnel in bathroom, destroy all material inside.
    27.11, security forces detain in Ankara ten alleged members of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP) as well as HADEP Altindag Chairman Yasin Özkan and eight other party members.
    27.11, in Batman, Sait Badem is shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    27.11, on the occasion of the 16th anniversary of the PKK's foundation, security forces carry out a series of operation at the quarters inhabited by Kurds of the big cities and detain hundreds of people.
    28.11, in Izmir, 30 out of 41 alleged TIKKO members detained on November 21 are placed under arrest by court decision.
    28.11, thirty-year old Bekir Önder who was detained on November 4 in Kiziltepe is found dead at the Mardin Detention House. His brother Ahmet Önder who was detained at the same time says that they were subjected to torture at police centre until November 21. Although Ahmet Önder was released on November 21, Bekir Önder was placed under arrest by court decision and sent to detention house. He also claims that his brother's demand to be sent to a hospital was refused by the authorities.
    29.11, in Istanbul, a group of IHD activists holding a press conference in front of the Bayrampasa Prison as regards ill-treatment of political prisoners are harassed by police and four persons taken into custody.
    29.11, in istanbul, police detain nine people for taking part in the activities of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C).
    30.11, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Hasim Celik in Silvan.
    30.11, in Batman, security forces raiding two houses detain eight people. Among the detainees are two sons of Mehmet Yilmaz who was found dead under detention at Batman police headquarters on April 24, 1992.

STATE TERRORISM IN DECEMBER

    1.12, in Silopi, the border guards at the Habur checkpoint shoot dead 15 year-old Yunus Turgut when they open fire on a truck entering Turkey without permission.
    2.12, the Ankara SSC sentences eighteen people to prison terms of up to 25 years and three months for taking part in the activities of the People's Revolutionary Vanguards (HDÖ).
    2.12, two unidentified persons are found assassinated in Viransehir.
    3.12, in Diyarbakir, Namik Kaya is shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    5.12, security forces detain eight people in Mazgirt and ten people in Van during anti-PKK operations.
    7.12, in Ankara, five people are placed under arrest by a court on charges of taking part in pro-PKK activities.
    7.12, IHD Iskenderun Chairman Sadullah Caglar and the Education Workers' Trade Union (Egit-Sen) Iskenderun Chairman Ismail Cömertoglu are taken into custody.
    7.12, unidentified gunmen shoot dead teacher Tevfik Alma in Midyat and Memduh Cicek in Diyarbakir.
    8.12, in Ankara, three youths, Selahattin Bas, Ajda Adibelli and Hülya Saritemur, allege to have been tortured by police after their detention on December 1.
    8.12, in Batman, two PKK militants, Ferhat Demir and Nefiye Celik are reportedly shot dead by police after being taken into custody.
    11.12, in Adana, 16-year old F. Tekdemir alleges to have been tortured after being detained during a police raid on a house.
    11.12, security forces detain 16 university students during an operation in Of, a town of the province of Trabzon.
    13.12, IHD Chairman Akin Birdal, former deputy Hüsnü Okcuoglu and three other persons are tried by the Ankara SSC for separatist propaganda during the Human Rights Week in 1992. The defendants face imprisonment of up to five years.
    14.12, lawyer Faik Candan, Ankara chairman of the defunct People's Labour Party (HEP) is found assassinated in the district of Bâlâ of the province. The Human Rights Foundation (TIHV) Secretary General Mahmut Tali Öngören, reminding the rise of political murders, calls on the authorities to find the authors of these assassinations.
    14.12, in Istanbul, security forces raiding a number of houses, detain five HADEP members. In Mersin, Doctor Sabri Soysal is detained for having given medical care to some PKK militants.
    15.12, in Istanbul, lawyer Hasan Hüseyin Reyhan who has been under police detention since December 7 is placed under arrest by a court decision. His parents claim that Reyhan was subjected to torture during his police detention.
    16.12, in Istanbul, lawyer Zeynep Firat is detained by police.
    16.12, an exhibition of cartoons at the Istanbul University is raided by a right-wing group who also attack students and wound two of them. After the incident, police detain three of left-wing students protesting the raid.
    17.12, Abdülbaki Nayman, kidnapped on December 15 in Kurtalan, is found assassinated at the village of Tuzla in Kozluk.
    18.12, in Midyat, Assyrian doctor Edvard Tanriverdi is shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    19.12, in Siirt, five passengers of a minibus are killed at the explosion of a mine laid by security forces and four others seriously wounded.
    20.12, in Ankara, a HADEP official, Tevfik Kaya is placed under arrest by the Ankara SSC for a speech he delivered at a party meeting on October 13.
    20.12, in Diyarbakir, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Vedat Tellan.
    20.12, in Mardin, Bayram Bal and Hamit Bal, kidnapped by police on November 16, are found assassinated.
    21.12, in Diyarbakir, Abdulkadir Celik Bilek, kidnapped by police on December 14, is found assassinated.
    21.12, the Izmir SSC sentences three PKK defendants, Izzettin Ekren, Sabri Keve and Ceknas Ekren to capital punishment and two others to imprisonment of up to 12 years and six months.
    22.12, the trial of 12 alleged PKK militants starts at the Istanbul SSC. The prosecutor demands capital punishment for five defendants.
    22.12, the Diyarbakir SSC sentences the Mayor of Bingöl, Selahattin Aydar, and the Chairman of the National Youth Foundation (MGV), Bedri Baran, to one-year imprisonment each for Aydar's speech at a Welfare Party (RP) meeting in Diyarbakir on June 22.
    22.12, in Istanbul, lawyer Münevver Köz who has been under police detention since December 16 is place under arrest by a court. Her parents claims that Köz was tortured during his detention.
    22.12, in Adana, 14 people who were detained by police a day ago claim to have been tortured.
    22.12, in Diyarbakir, Aziz Ulas and Faik Tunc are assassinated by unidentified assailants.
    23.12, an official of the IHD Izmir Section, Dervis Altun is attacked by a group of MHP militants raiding his office.
    23.12, the Diyarbakir SSC sentences three PKK defendants to life prison and three others to prison terms of up to 12 years and six months.
    25.12, in istanbul, HADEP official Orhan Kaya is taken into custody by police raiding his house.
    27.12, a group of right-wing assailants raids the Istanbul University and wound four left-wing students.
    28.12, the IHD Diyarbakir section is closed for one month by the Governor of the province on charges of having inside some forbidden publications.
    29.12, two young girls, taken into police custody on December 23 as putting some posters on walls, claim after release that they have been tortured.
    30.12, in Adana, HADEP official Haci Sait Macir is shot dead by unidentified gunmen. Three months earlier, on October 3, two other HADEP officials, Rebih Cabuk and Sefer Cerf had been assassinated in front of the café belonging to Macir.

SABOTAGES TO ÖZGÜR ÜLKE

    The attacks on the main opposition daily newspaper Özgür Ülke reached its utmost on December 3, 1994, by a pair of explosion ripping through the daily's Istanbul and Ankara offices.
    Editorial staff member Ersin Yildiz was killed and 22 others wounded in the Istanbul blast, which gutted the four-storey building housing the central offices of Özgür Ülke, in the Kumkapi district of Istanbul.
    The second blast destroyed the newspaper's smaller Ankara office, which were deserted at the time.
    It is noteworthy that these two criminal acts against the freedom of press happened just after Prime Minister Ciller's invocation of state violence against the press.
    On November 30, 1994, Prime Minister Ciller signed a letter marked top secret which openly bypassed the courts and implicitly called for "methods to effectively combat the publications as Özgür Ülke.
    The following is the translation of this top secret letter revealed by Özgür Ülke on December 19:

    CILLER'S TOP SECRET PROVOCATION

    " N°02438, 30 November 1994
    "1. The activities of publications which publish in a way that supports separatist and destructive organisations, particularly Özgür Ülke, have in recent days taken the form of an open assault on the very existence of the state.
    "2. It has been evaluated that the profound tolerance on the subject of press freedom in Turkey which is a democratic and secular state that respects the rule of law, has recently been abused on a large scale by the publications mentions, laws broken and that efforts have been made to present the terror organisations as if it were a legal institution. This institution has reached dimensions that are seriously disturbing our sensible and patriotic citizens and Turkish public opinion.
    3. For the purpose of removing this significant threat to the indivisible integrity of the motherland and people I request the Justice Ministry to:
    "a) establish and monitor this kind of publication,
    "b) determine why, despite all the cases opened in the courts, nothing effective has been done legally, and to take measures to rectify this,
    "c) see that the necessary steps are taken so that an immediate study is undertaken for the purpose of establishing methods to effectively combat this kind of publication, which carries out blatant separatism against the state and supports terror organisations and see that these methods are then put into practice as a matter of urgency.
    "(Signed) Prof. Dr. Tansu Ciller, Prime Minister
    "To the Justice Ministry
    "Copies to Interior Ministry, Foreign Ministry, national security Council secretary, Prime Minister Military Advisor, Prime Minister's Office Press and Information Directorate."

    A CALL FOR SOLIDARITY WITH ÖZGÜR ÜLKE

    In a letter accompanying this document, Özgür Ülke chief editor Baki Karadeniz issued the following call:
    "After the bombing of our newspaper's offices in istanbul and Ankara we have lost everything. If we can still produce our paper it is only because of sympathetic publishers who generously and selflessly share their computers with us. Let no one conclude that we will discontinue publication. we are more determined than ever to carry on with our work even if it means working under arduous conditions and splitting our editorial and publishing activities into five separate buildings in Istanbul. This is reason enough to launch a campaign for Özgür Ülke and solicit support from our friends all over the world.
    "Tansu Ciller's letter which we are sending you will be published in our European issue on December 20, 1994 because we feel it is our duty to inform the world media of the truth, even if we are forced to pay with our lives in doing so. This is a constant and ever present danger which we face.
    "Following the Turkish so-called democratic law the Ciller regime will probably close our paper down again (In April this year - 1994 - our predecessor Özgür Gündem was closed down) because of Tansu Ciller's letter which we intend publishing. We do hope you will be in touch with us for further information.
    "We are confident you will not abandon your colleagues and that you will show your solidarity with us."

NEW SENTENCES AGAINST BESIKCI

    The Court of Cassation, on November 1, 1994, ratified a new sentence against sociologist Ismail Besikci. He was sentenced by the SSC to two years in prison and TL 250 million in fine for an open letter he wrote to the defunct weekly Yeni Ülke.
    On November 10, Besikci was sentenced by a penal court in Ankara to eighteen months in prison for his book entitled An Intellectual, An Organisation and the Kurdish Question. The court also sentenced the director of the Yurt Publishing House, Ünsal Öztürk to the same term of prison on charges of insulting Atatürk.
    On November 14, Besikci was sentenced again by the Ankara SSC to two years in prison and TL 100 million in fine for his declaration during a meeting in Ankara on December 5, 1992.
    On December 16, Besikci was sentenced again by the Istanbul SSC to two years in prison and TL 250 million in fine for one of his articles published by Özgür Gündem. The newspaper's responsible editor Bülent Balta too is condemned to six months in prison and TL 127 million in fine and publisher Yasar Kaya to TL 254 million in fine for the same article.
    On December 28, Besikci was sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to two years and four months in prison and TL 290 million in fine for a series of articles published by Özgür Gündem on June 17-18, 1993. The court also sentences the daily's editor, Seyh Davut Karadag, to two years in prison and TL 250 million in fine, and publisher Yasar Kaya to a fine of TL 241 million.
    So, the total of Besikci's prison terms reached to 67 years and one month, the fines to TL 5 billion 25 million.
    Of these sentences, 16 years and six months in prison and TL 1 billion 100 million in fine have already been ratified by the Court of Cassation. Besikci is currently serving his ratified sentences at the Ankara Prison.
    Besides, on November 16, Besikci's a new book, The Tarnished Concepts: Science, Equality, Justice, comprising his some articles already published by newspapers and magazines, is confiscated by the Ankara SSC for separatist propaganda.
    On November 21, the Ankara SSC confiscated Besikci's another book, An Unlawful Justice, comprising his some other articles on the same charges.
    In an interview to the press on November 13, 1994, Besikci said that he would not pay the fines of about TL 4 billion ($100,000). In that case, he will rest in prison until the end of this life.

PUBLISHERS AND JOURNALISTS IMPRISONED

    The director of the Yurt Publishing House, Ünsal Öztürk is imprisoned in Ankara on November 23 for serving his two-year term on the ratification of his sentence by the Court of Cassation.
    Öztürk had been sentenced by the Ankara SSC to two years in prison and TL 100 million in fine for having published PKK leader Öcalan's book entitled The Fascism of 12th September and the Resistance of PKK.
    Another 6-month prison term against Öztürk for having published Besikci's book entitled The Kurds, A Nation Discovering Itself was already ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    On December 8, journalist Yilmaz Odabasi is imprisoned in Ankara to serve a 10-month imprisonment to which he was sentenced for his book The Seyh Said Revolt, published in 1991.
    On December 28, the first editor of the defunct daily Özgür Gündem, Isik Yurtcu is imprisoned in Istanbul for serving his prison term of two years and ten months.
   
JOURNALISTS CONDEMNED BY THE MILITARY

    The Military Court of the 4th Army-Corps Headquarters, on November 23, sentenced three TV reporters, Mehmet Ali Birand, Deniz Arman and Halim Abanoz, to five months each for a programme on the prolongation of military service.
    The court also sentenced two soldiers named Erhan Bay and Ismet Kantar to five months each for having talked at the TV programme against the prolongation of the military service.
    The sentences were given by virtue of Article 95 of the Military Code Penal.

PERSECUTION OF THE MEDIA IN NOVEMBER

    1,11, the Court of Cassation ratifies a total of 20 years in prison against Yasar Kaya, publisher of the defunct Özgür Gündem, in 12 different condemnations given by three state security courts. Accused of separatist propaganda and praising an outlawed organization, Yasar Kaya is still trying in absentia by different courts. At present, Kaya is living in Europe as a political refugee.
    2.11, the periodical Jiyana Nû N°5 is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    3.11, a meeting on the freedom of expression that some political periodicals organized is banned by the Governor of Istanbul.
    3.11, author Edip Polat is again indicted by the Istanbul SSC Prosecutor for his book entitled Science or Official Ideology? which has not yet been published. Polat is currently serving a two-year term at the Bursa Prison for his book Into Newroz We Turned Dawns. In his new proceeding Polat faces imprisonment of up to five years.
    4.11, the Court of Cassation ratifies a 30-month imprisonment and a fine of TL 300 million against author Mehmet Bayrak for his book entitled Kurdish Folk Songs.
He had been sentenced by the Ankara SSC on charges of separatist propaganda. Another sentence of six months for Bayrak's book Kurdish Legends is still pending at the Court of Cassation.
    4.11, an eleven-year old Özgür Ülke  distributor, M.Y., is beaten by policemen forcing him not to sell this newspaper in Diyarbakir.
    5.11, an Özgür Ülke distributor, Ismail Demirtas is detained by gendarmes in Pirinclik.
    7.11, the Urfa office of Özgür Ülke is raided by police and two correspondents, Halil Baran and Fuat Karatas taken into custody.
    8.11, the periodical Newroz N°38 is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    11.11, Özgür Ülke corespondent Metin Acet is detained in Diyarbakir.
    14.11, IHD Chairman Akin Birdal and three other top officials, Hüsnü Öndül, Sedat Arslantas and Erol Anar are tried by the Ankara SSC for having published a book on the villages burnt by security forces. Each faces a prison term of up to two years by virtue of the Anti Terror Law.
    15.11, Newroz N° 39 is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    16.11, the Chairman of the Sanitary Workers' Trade Union (Tüm-Saglik-Sen), Fevzi Gercek is sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to two years in prison for inciting the people to revolt in an article he wrote to the periodical Direnis.
    16.11, two correspondents, Hasan Hüseyin Inan (Özgür Ülke) and Mehmet Bars (Nokta), are taken into police custody as covering a protest action by civil servants in front of the Municipality House of Istanbul.
    17.11, Özgür Ülke distributor Ismail Demirtas, who was detained in Pirinclik on November 5, claims after his release to have been tortured at the Gendarmerie Station.
    17.11, on the ratification of a sentence by the Court of Cassation, the periodical Mücadele is closed down for fifteen days. The higher court also ratifies a fine of TL 100 million against the review's publisher, Gülten Sesen.
    18.11, Özgür Ülke distributor Lokman Batur is taken into custody in Adana.
    19.11, the periodicals Devrimci Emek N°27, Direnis N°27, Özgür Gelecek N°39, Devrimci Cözüm and Kizil Bayrak N°11 are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC and the local newspaper Bizim Sivas by the decision of a local court in Sivas.
    21.11, the Istanbul SSC confiscates Taraf N°24 and Yeryüzü N°17, respectively according to the Anti Terror Law and Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code.
    23.11, Newroz N°40 and Denge Azadi N°27 are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    23.11, in Pirinclik, Özgür Ülke distributor Ismail Demirtas is again detained by police. He was already detained on November 5 and released on November 15.
    24.11, the director of the Kaldirac Publishing House, Serpil Köksal is placed under arrest by the Ankara SSC Prosecutor for separatist propaganda in her two articles published in the periodical Kaldirac.
    24.11, the Istanbul offices of the periodicals Mücadele, Halkin Gücü, Isci Hareketi and Devrimci Genclik are raided by police and their 33 employees were taken into custody.
    25.11, seven of the 33 employees of four political reviews detained a day ago are released and claim that they were subjected to torture at police station.
    26.11, Urfa office of Özgür Ülke is raided by police and four employees, Hanefi Aydemir, Abdurrahman Fedai, Fuat Karatas and Turan Cihanbeyli, taken into custody.
    27.11, in Adana, Özgür Ülke correspondents Serdar Ates and Sengül Adibelli are taken into custody.
    25.11, the Court of Cassation overrules the acquittal of Ercan Kanar, Chairman of the IHD Istanbul Section. Kanar is expected to be tried again by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda in an article he wrote for the IHD Newsletter in September 1993. Kanar and the responsible editor of the newsletter, Izzet Eray, face imprisonment of up to five years and fine of TL 100 million each.
    28.11, the Ankara SSC Prosecutor starts a legal proceeding against the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) Chairman Yavuz Önen and administrative board member Fevzi Argun for the File of Torture 1980-1994, published by the TIHV on September 12 and confiscated in October. Each faces imprisonment of up to two years and a fine of TL 100 million by virtue of Article 8/1 of the ATL.
    29.11, in Ankara, Özgür Ülke correspondent Baha Karakütük is detained by police.
    30.11, the Adana office of the newspaper Denge Azadi is raided by police and many documents and publications are confiscated.
    30.11, two reporters of the daily Sabah, Fügen Ünal Sen and Engin Aytas are detained by police as they are taking photographs of the Istanbul Governor's residence.
    30.11, the last issue of the review Yeni Yeryüzü is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC on charges of instigating the people to commit crime.

PERSECUTION OF THE MEDIA IN DECEMBER

    1.12, the Izmir office of the Mesopotamian Cultural Centre (MKM) is raided by police; fifteen persons are taken into custody and many documents confiscated during the operation.
    1.12, a former correspondent of the defunct Özgür Gündem, Ahmet Icge is taken into custody in Dogu Beyazit.
    4.12, Özgür Ülke's first issue published after the sabotage to its office is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC according to Article 6 of the Anti Terror Law.
    5.12, a former vice-president of the Human Rights Association (IHD), Sedat Arslantas is sentenced by the Ankara SSC to three years in prison and a fine of TL 150 million for his speech at the IHD Congress in 1992. After the decision, Arslantas is immediately arrested and put in prison.
    7.12, Özgür Ülke Diyarbakir correspondent Erdogan Zamur and two teachers, Ünal Sahin Durmaz and Erdal Aksu, are taken into custody. After their release on December 12, they claim to have been tortured by police.
    10.12, in Istanbul, police prevent a group of writers and artists from selling Özgür Ülke during an action of solidarity with this newspaper.
    13.12, the public relations officer of the daily Özgür Ülke, Türker Alp claims to have been tortured after his detention by police in Gebze on December 10.
    13.12, in Ankara, police take into custody 22 students selling Özgür Ülke during an action of solidarity with this newspaper.
    13.12, the Istanbul SSC sentences the chief editor of the periodical Fabrika, Zeki Tombak, to two years in prison and TL 400 million in fine by virtue of Article 8 of the ATL. The review's responsible editor, Ertan Kaplan too is sentenced to six months in prisons and TL 50 million in fine.
    14.12, the publication of the periodical Mücadele is banned for one month by the Istanbul SSC. The same court confiscates two other periodicals, Denge Azadi N°30 and Atilim N°10 for separatist propaganda.
    15.12, the responsible editor of Özgür Ülke, Murat Sarac is placed under arrest by the Istanbul SSC in relation with 15 different legal proceedings for the articles he published.
    16.12, the Diyarbakir SSC issues a warrant for the arrest of seven officials of the IHD Diyarbakir Section: Chairman Halit Temli, Secretary Mahmut Sakar, Nimetullah Gündüz, Abdullah Cager, Melike Alp, Hayri Veznedaroglu and Hüseyin Yildiz. They are accused of separatist propaganda in a document entitled The Report on the Emergency Law Region that they published in 1992.
    20.12, the Istanbul SSC confiscates three periodicals, Kizil Bayrak N°13, Atilim N°11 and Hedef, for separatist propaganda, Alinteri N°36 and a calendar published by the periodical Atilim for praising some outlawed organizations.
    21.12, IHD Istanbul Chairman Ercan Kanar and the responsible editor of Özgür Gündem, Emel Kapilan, are sentenced by a high criminal court to a 10-month imprisonment each for an article published on March 25, 1994.
    21.12, the Istanbul SSC confiscates the last issues of the periodicals Medya Günesi, Devrimci Yasam, Odak and Taraf for separatist propaganda.
    23.12, the Istanbul SSC sentences Özgür Gündem editor Özdemir Toprak to two years and six months in prison and TL 430 million in fine, and Gercek editor Pelin Sener to five months in prison and TL 125 million in fine.
    24.12, Özgür Gelecek N°41, Azadi N°32 and Deng N°30 are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and praising some outlawed organizations.
    27.12, the Governor of Erzurum bans the distribution and sale of musi-cassettes of three famous folk singers, Ahmet Kaya, Ferhat Tunc and Emre Saltik.
    27.12, the editor of the periodical Devrimci Cözüm, Hatice Onaran, is sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to 18 months in prison and TL 325 million in fine. The court also sentences the review's publisher Fethiye Peksen to a fine of TL 250 million and decides to ban the publication for one month.
    28.12, the building of a media group — Milliyet, Meydan and TV Channel D — is attacked by an armed group opening fire from automatic guns. The attack is reportedly claimed by the Communist Labour Party of Turkey-Leninist (TKEP-L).
    28.12, the Izmir SSC sentences Özgür Gündem representative Sezai Karakoc and five others employees, Riza Zingal, Namik Alkan, Oguzhan Ögrük and Sedat Alp, to three years and nine months each for aiding the PKK.