Droits de l'Homme / Human Rights

La Turquie ne réussit pas à éliminer la torture, selon une ONG

Le gouvernement turc n'a pas réussi à éliminer la torture et ne fait pas de réel effort en ce sens, a accusé mardi la principale organisation de défense des droits de l'homme du pays, en publiant un rapport sur le sujet.

Le nombre de cas de tortures enregistré l'an dernier a été de 708, contre 825 l'année précédent, selon l'Association des Droits de l'Homme (IHD).

"Ce chiffre montre qu'il n'y a pas de réel effort pour éradiquer la torture", a déclaré le président de l'IHD, Yusuf Alatas, en présentant le rapport. "Si on recense 700 cas de torture dans un pays dont le gouvernement a promis une tolérance zéro pour la torture, alors il y a quelque chose qui ne va pas", a-t-il dit.

"Si vraiment un effort est fait, alors il est insuffisant", a-t-il conclu.

Le rapport montre aussi une augmentation des violations des droits de l'homme dans plusieurs catégories, y compris les arrestations lors de manifestations, les perquisitions dans les ONG et l'interdiction de certaines publications.

L'IHD note également les restrictions concernant la liberté d'expression et la poursuite en justice d'intellectuels, avec 513 personnes poursuivies et 226 condamnées l'an dernier pour leurs opinions.

M. Alatas a estimé que la principale raison de l'augmentation du nombre des violations des droits de l'homme était la recrudescence de l'insurrection kurde dans le sud-est de la Turquie, qui a entraîné une brutale réaction des autorités locales.

L'Union européenne avait estimé en novembre dernier que, si les cas de torture avaient diminué, ils restaient encore fréquents hors des centres de détention, en toute impunité. (AFP, 27 fév 2007)

La Turquie condamnée pour oreilles coupées sur des cadavres

Couper les oreilles de deux personnes abattues par les forces de l'ordre turques n'est pas un traitement inhumain ou dégradant, "leur qualité d'humain s'étant éteinte à leur mort", selon un arrêt rendu mardi par la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme (CEDH).

Le 14 avril 1999, Seyit Külekçi et Dogan Altun furent tués par les forces de l'ordre au cours d'un affrontement armé près de Turhal, dans la région de Tokat en Turquie. Selon des examens réalisés post-mortem, Dogan Altun avait reçu neuf balles dans le corps et la moitié de son oreille gauche avait été coupée. Seyit Külekçi présentait huit impacts de balles et avait les deux oreilles coupées. En octobre 2000, plusieurs gendarmes furent inculpés "d'insulte" aux corps.

Estimant, en se référant à des affaires antérieures, que les oreilles des victimes avaient été coupées après leur mort, la CEDH a jugé que "la qualité d'humain s'est éteinte à la mort des intéressés" et qu'en conséquence "l'interdiction des mauvais traitements n'est plus applicable aux cadavres, malgré la cruauté des actes en question".

Elle a toutefois condamné la Turquie pour absence d'enquête effective sur les décès ainsi que pour avoir infligé un "traitement dégradant" aux deux plaignants, la soeur d'une victime et le père de l'autre, qui avaient été  confrontés aux corps mutilés de leurs proches.

La Cour a alloué aux deux plaignants 20.000 euros pour dommage moral. (AFP, 27 fév 2007)

European court verdicts place heavy burden on Turkey

Turkey has paid more than 45 million euros in compensation since the European Court of Human Rights ruled against it in a number of cases, most of which involve a violation of property rights, according to Justice Ministry data.

In a high-profile case, Turkey was ordered to pay more than 1 million euros to Greek Cypriot applicant Titina Loizidou for blocking her access to her property in northern Cyprus. There are 2,250 similar cases pending.

In 2004, out of a total of 44,128 applications filed at the European court, 3,930 were against Turkey. While Turkey was in the ranked third following Russia and Poland with respect to applications filed against them in 2004, it moved to the second place after Italy as of the end of 2006. Turkey became a party to the European Convention on Human Rights in 1954 and allowed its citizens to seek justice at the European court in 1987. Although the first personal application against Turkey was filed as late as in 1993, Turkey has become the highest compensation paying country over the 14 years since then.
Following the first application from Turkish citizens in 1993, the European court delivered some 1,310 judgments; three in 1995, five in 1996, eight in 1997, 18 in 1998, 19 in 1999, 39 in 2000, 218 in 2001, 99 in 2002, 123 in 2003, 171 in 2004, 290 in 2005 and 317 in 2006.

According to the Justice Ministry data, only 26 judgments of the court were in favor of Turkey. Some 513 cases ended in friendly settlements between applicants and Turkey. The court has ruled that 198 applications were inadmissible during this period. The court has dropped another 16 applications. Turkey has paid 4.6 million French francs in friendly settlement cases. Another 4.7 million francs were paid to cover court costs.

Complaints against Turkey were mostly on political matters in the past, with most of the complaints relating to right to life, freedom of expression, prohibition of torture, right to liberty and security. In recent years, the nature of the complaints has changed dramatically, as recent applications pertain mostly to property rights. Some 70 percent of the applications filed after 2000 related to delays in the payment after nationalization of private property, violation of property rights and delays in court proceedings. Particularly after Loizidou secured more than €1 million as compensation from Turkey, the applications from the Greek Cypriot citizens soared to 2,250.

According to the Foreign Ministry, the compensation paid in connection with 567 European Court of Human Rights judgments as of September 2005 amounted to €33 million. The Foreign Ministry data also shows that Turkey would pay an additional YTL 14 million as compensation in 2006.

The European court learned from Turkey

Yusuf Alataş, who heads the Human Rights Association, said Turkey was a unique case for the European court: "Turkey has among the three highest number of applications filed against them at the European Court of Human Rights. We are yet to be the first. Nevertheless, the applications from Turkey differ in content from applications from other countries. Though in high numbers, the applications from other countries relate mostly to property rights or length of proceedings. On the other hand, the applications against Turkey pertain mostly to cases of murder by unknown assailants, evacuation of villages, torture and suicide. Virtually no application is made from Europe in connection with such cases. If Turkey were not a member, the European court would never have to deal with such applications. In this respect, the court learned a lot from Turkey."

"For the European Court of Human Rights, Turkey is a unique category. Some groups in Turkey claim that the European Court of Human Rights issue political judgments in connection with Turkey. But for me, the court has always protected Turkey in its decision, only delivering judgments against it when it is impossible to keep it by the book. And when it ruled against Turkey, it did not follow European standards. If it did, the compensation paid by Turkey might amount to billions of euros. We cannot say that Turkey's performance with respect to human rights is improving."

Here is the breakdown of the judgments issued by European Court of Human Rights on Turkey:

Right to life -- deprivation of life.............................50
Lack of effective investigation...............................89
Prohibition of torture..............................................9
Inhuman or degrading treatment...........................91
Lack of effective investigation.................................8
Prohibition of slavery / forced labor.........................0
Right to liberty and security.................................181
Right to a fair trial..............................................354
Length of proceedings.......................................127
No punishment without law....................................4
Right to respect for private and family life..............28
Freedom of thought, conscience and religion..........1
Freedom of expression.......................................123
Freedom of assembly and association..................18
Right to marry........................................................0
Right to an effective remedy...............................143
Prohibition of discrimination...................................2
Protection of property.........................................353
Right to education.................................................2
Right to free elections............................................1
Right not to be tried or punished twice....................0
Other articles of the Convention............................26
Number of judgments......................................1310

Letter From an F-Type Prison

This letter appeared on daily Radikal's Sunday supplement on February 18. Written by a prisoner, namely Sami Dündar who rests in one of the controversial maximum security F-type prisons, the letter accounts the daily life in seclusion and isolation.

"Hello from the F type jail. I would like to mention to you the negative life conditions here. I would like to talk about what one can come across in a day and how one diminishes and how hard a day goes by. This is also reality, people will stay in the F type not one day but a whole lifetime and it is unavoidable that everything I will be telling you will be taking place.

There is no other possibility in the F type but to go through the same psychological torture every single day. You will either go through it or you will go through it and you will not be able to avoid getting diminished.

Meanwhile the murder of dear Hrant Dink, our brother, elder brother of thousands of years, has made the present isolation even deeper. We are feeling that as a society we are sinking deeper into darkness and that the darkness is surrounding us more. Unfortunately we live in a country where the number of murderers increases while intellectuals are dwindle. Through this paper we are sending Hrant Dink´s family our condolences and saluting all the journalist martyrs with respect.

I will tell you a day in the F-type. If you wish, you may ignore this. (Just as I am writing this letter we heard that the Ministry of Justice has just issued a declaration about the F-type. To tell the truth, I think nothing will change. Before the declaration, we were not given our existing rights. We were supposed to be able to use the common areas five hours a week, but in reality, they were only letting us out at the common area one hour once in two, sometimes three weeks. The five hour a week common area is only given to us one hour every two weeks. The remaining nine hours is not given to us. They say now we are entitled to ten hours a week in the common areas, how will they let us out now, when they didn't let us out five hours a week. Also, the foreign language, painting, music etc classes that we are entitled to are not given to us at all, never have been. There is no water, most of the time we can't even find drinking water. Do not be surprised if the conditions become heavier after this declaration. Still, I think we mustn't be prejudiced; let's wait and see...)

We start the day with the sound of our door getting knocked on violently. The sound makes your brain explode, then they shout ''Hey you! Come on, quick!''. There is no arguing how bad for one´s state of mind this kind of beginning to a day is. As soon as we open our eyes to the day we are faced with great pressure. The violent slamming of the door is repeated many times in the day. It gets to a state where one is very frightened by the slightest sound, heart leaping into one´s mouth with fear, one becomes very sensitive, extremely anxious, and fear, bitter as death, gradually envelops one´s body. One starts getting disturbed by even the sounds one makes himself. One develops a reaction to all kinds of sounds, unable to stand sounds. Unable to stand even the light. Because of the narrowness of the living space and having to share it with the same person all the time, we become very sensitive, especially to sounds and light.

You go to the Infirmary when sick, the isolation makes itself known at your every step. Nothing is allowed. You are not allowed to look around, to look out the window, to walk fast, to walk slow, to greet a friend on the way. When you meet and greet a friend on the way, they immediately intervene. We go to the Infirmary for treatment but come back feeling sick psychologically. All the warnings we receive damage our state of mind and we start to be frightened of ourselves and others. The prisoner of the F-type...

Sometimes we fear that we are not going to be able to survive when we go back to the society. Humans are naturally social beings but in the F-type this attribute is slowly lost. One becomes distant from others, losing one´s social skills. Because of being in a place where everything is prohibited, one closes into oneself and becomes distant from life. In time, one starts to see oneself as a different being. One feels excluded. Getting carried away with this feeling of being left out can be dangerous, it is very probable that the person will feel hatred towards others and keep his distance when in society...

Most of the time I feel nausea when I watch people on tv, I can´t help it. This must be because of having been kept away from people for a long time. One can easily get this feeling because we are living in a place where everything is prohibited. One´s life turns upside down, one can´t see anybody, probably because of having stayed with the same people for years, same things get repeated day in day out, so one turns into a robot. Feeling oneself under constant pressure. In time, this has a deep effect and forgetting starts. Because of lack of new stimuli, the brain gets smaller, the mind gets lost, one starts searching in other places the pencil in one´s hand . This is how much one starts to forget. Our minds are being prevented from developing; the isolation here becomes a wall in front of socialisation...

The cell where we live in is so narrow that we almost can´t move, no gymnastics. Because we are not allowed into the sports area our bodies don´t exercise and gradually falling apart starts. Lack of energy, fatigue, discomfort...One can´t drink tea holding the glass because the skin has became very thin and it burns. No treatment is given to us. When you add psychological pressures to all that, one is totally damaged. Most of our physical discomforts stem from our damaged states of mind. All day in this narrow cell, under psychological pressure, I have been living the same things every day for the last three and half years. Most of the time I feel scared of humans. Because it is only fear that is being produced here. There is a master and slave relationship...

I may not be very successful but I tried to tell you a day full of fears.

What do you feel every time you stand in front of the mirror? We feel we are dissolving... (BIA News Center, February 28, 2007)

Students "Disciplined" at Universities

These practices are simply pristine and totally unlawful, says Kıvanç Eliaçık from the new Students' Union Initiative, commenting on the increasing number of administrative inquisitions towards dissident students at universities around the country.

University administrations continue decreeing disciplinary penalties towards students who are involved in political activities.

In Karadeniz (Black Sea) Technical University (KTU) numerous students have been rusticated ranging from a week up to a year.

"Protestation without permission", "chanting slogans", "participating in press conference" are grounds according to the university rectorate for disciplinary action.

In the last four months 72 inquisitions had been placed and seven students who reacted against the yearly tuition had been punished.

Furthermore, Trabzon Public Prosecutor's office filed cases against the students demanding penalties up to five years in prison.

On another accounts, Edirne public Prosecutor's office filed accusations against Trakya University students who participated in a march protesting the murder of Turkish-Armenian writer Hrant Dink.

In recent days, 33 students of the university who organized an alternative spring festival last year have been sentenced to 3,9 years imprisonment.

Lastly, several students who participated in a protest against the Supreme Institution of Education (YOK) -which was established following the military coup in 1980 and seen as its oppressing prolongation at higher education- Çanakkale University of March 18 received notification of administrative inquisitions.

Spokesperson of the Initiative and international relations expert at the Confederation Revolutionary Workers' Unions (DİSK), Kıvanç Eliaçık notes that the inquisitions are used to intimidate politically active students.

"Their right to organization and freedom of speech are constantly violated. Disciplinary penalties and worse still the imprisonments keep students from using such rights"

Reminding that there's no crime defined as "protest without permission" in the Turkish Penal Code, Eliaçık says the YOK Disciplinary Regulations are used vigorously to oppress students.

Special security forces shouldn't be present at university campuses, he added. (BIA News Center, Emine OZCAN, February 28, 2007)

La Cour européenne condamne Ankara encore une fois pour torture

La Cour européenne des droits de l'homme à Strasbourg a condamné mardi la Turquie pour des mauvais traitements assimilés à de la torture, infligés en 1993 à un frère et à sa soeur par la police d'Istanbul.

La CEDH a alloué à chacun des requérants 25.000 euros tous dommages confondus.

Interpellé en juillet 1993 par des policiers en civil, Mitlik Ölmez avait été emmené dans un bâtiment où il affirme avoir été battu et plongé dans l'eau froide, avant d'être conduit à la direction de la sûreté d'Istanbul où les policiers avaient tenté de lui faire avouer son appartenance au PKK.

Il rapporte avoir été aspergé d'eau froide, suspendu par les bras et soumis au supplice de la falaka, consistant à bastonner les plantes des pieds et sodomisé avec une matraque.

Sa soeur Yildiz Ölmez affirme avoir été dévêtue, suspendue par les bras et soumise à des électrochocs et des jets d'eau froide. Elle aurait également été violée à deux reprises par deux policiers.

Le gouvernement turc nie ces allégations. A l'issue de leur garde à vue, un médecin légiste avait relevé que le frère présentait des douleurs et un affaiblissement moteur des deux bras, tandis que des points de suture d'une ablation de la rate pratiquée sur la soeur, quatre mois plus tôt, s'étaient rouverts.

Les requérants avaient porté plainte contre les policiers qui avaient été acquittés en décembre 1995, faute de preuve.

"Pareilles violences qui n'ont pu être infligées qu'intentionnellement afin d'extorquer des aveux méritent la qualification de torture" souligne l'arrêt rendu à Strasbourg.

Selon un autre arrêt rendu mardi, Ankara devra verser 10.000 euros à une Zeynep Özcan, une femme de ménage victime de traitements inhumains lors de sa garde à vue en juillet 1998. Elle aurait notamment été suspendue par les bras et frappée.

Les deux policiers incriminés avaient été condamnés à dix mois de prison pour traitements inhumains et dégradants en juin 2002 mais un tribunal turc avait prononcé par la suite le sursis à exécution de cette peine.

La CEDH a estimé qu'il s'agissait d'une "impunité de fait".  (AFP, 20 fév 2007)

Strong Call by 100 NGOs for Removal of Article 301

The Joint Platform on Human Rights (IHOP) established by six NGO's working on the field declared a draft reform proposal for the notorious article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.

20 thousand signees and 100 NGO's appended to the proposal which demands the removal of the article.

"This article, which led to unacceptable consequences regarding freedom of expression and freedom of the press should be removed to reestablish social peace and give way to full implementation of the freedom of expression in the country".

Following Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink's assassination on January 19, the debate on the already controversial article heightened. Dink himself was convicted of "insulting Turkishness" on one account and more than 60 journalists and writers stood trial with regard to the article.

Despite promises of reform on the article by several government members, the article yet remains to be changed. Another 10 NGO's, mainly business and economy circles also released a reform proposal last week, which only foresees a deduction of penalties and a slight change of wording of the article.

IHOP lists the reasons for the removal of the article as follows:

* With regard to its content, Article 301 is an outdated embodiment that deifies and protects the state and its institutions in the face of its citizens.

* The application of such is an unacceptable violation of human rights.

* Penalization of the act of "insulting" is in controversy with the general principle of the lawfulness of crimes and penalties.

* Freedom of expression should only be restrained on accounts of racism, discrimination and a direct call for violence.

Reminding that there are other articles in the Penal Code that are intended to penalize discrimination and creation of hostilities between groups of citizens, article 301 gives scope for an ambiguous discretionary power, the Platform said.

"As it is, the ambiguity of the article constitutes a threat to citizens' rights to freedom of expression".

IHOP is made up of the Helsinki Citizens' Assembly, Human Rights Association, Association for Human Rights and Solidarity with the Oppressed, Turkish Association of Human Rights, Amnesty International Turkey Branch, Peace Initiative. (BIA News Center, Erol ONDEROGLU, February 12, 2007)

AI très préoccupée par le sort de 8 personnes torturées

Amnesty International est très préoccupée par le sort de huit personnes, jugées lors d’un procès inéquitable, dans lequel les éléments de preuve directe retenus par la Cour reposent sur des déclarations qui auraient été obtenues sous la torture ; ces huit personnes risquent la prison uniquement en raison de leurs convictions politiques non violentes et pour leurs liens, qui n’ont pas été prouvés, avec un parti politique n’ayant jamais eu recours à la violence ni prôné d’actes de violence. S’ils étaient condamnés, l’organisation considéreraient Mehmet Desde, Mehmet Bakir, Hüseyin Habip Taskin, Maksut Karadag, Serafettin Parmak, Metin Özgünay, Ömer Güner et Ergün Yildirim comme des prisonniers d’opinion et ferait campagne en faveur de leur remise en liberté immédiate et sans condition. Tous les huit sont actuellement en liberté et risquent d’être arrêtés et emprisonnés dans les jours qui viennent.

Le 25 décembre 2006, bien que le procureur général de la Cour de cassation ait recommandé d’annuler les condamnations prononcées en mars 2006, le tribunal a maintenu les peines prononcées à l’encontre de Mehmet Desde, Mehmet Bakir, Hüseyin Habip Taskin, Maksut Karadag et Serafettin Parmak, inculpés d’« appartenance à une organisation illégale » et de Metin Özgünay, Ömer Güner et Ergün Yildirim pour « soutien à une organisation illégale ».Les cinq premiers cités risquent à présent une peine de trente mois d’emprisonnement (ayant déjà passé six mois derrière les barreaux, il leur reste environ dix-sept mois à effectuer), les trois derniers cités risquent une peine de dix mois d’emprisonnement (dont ils ont à effectuer encore sept mois et demi) pour leurs liens présumés avec le Parti bolchévique (Kurdistan du Nord/Turquie), accusation qu’ils ont niée tout au long du procès. Les éléments de preuve retenus contre les accusés ont été pour l’essentiel des déclarations qui auraient été obtenues sous la torture, auxquelles s’est ajoutée la découverte de revues légales, de tracts et d’autocollants au nom du Parti bolchévique (Kurdistan du Nord/Turquie) invitant à soutenir les manifestations du 1er mai sans qu’il y ait incitation à la violence, et le fait que certains des accusés s’étaient réunis dans la ville de Kusadasi, sur les bords de la mer Égée, le 8 juillet 2002. Ils avaient été arrêtés et placés en détention les 9 et 10 juillet 2002.

La décision de la 9ème chambre de la Cour de cassation de maintenir les condamnations a été prise au terme d’un processus judiciaire prolongé avec, à deux reprises, la tenue d’un nouveau procès et l’annulation, par la Cour de cassation, des condamnations prononcées par des juridictions inférieures. La façon dont s’est déroulé le procès démontre clairement les incertitudes des tribunaux, les premiers jugements rendus étant ensuite infirmés. La première décision de la Cour de Cassation d’annuler la condamnation prononcée par la cour de sûreté de l’État d’Izmir en avril 2004 posait indirectement la question de savoir si le Parti bolchévique (Kurdistan du Nord/Turquie) pouvait ou non être considéré comme une organisation terroriste en l’absence de toute preuve d’actes de violence ou d’intimidation, de menaces ou d’incitation au terrorisme. Lors du nouveau procès, le tribunal de première juridiction a tenté de passer outre le manque de preuve de toute activité terroriste et de justifier sa décision de considérer ce parti politique comme une organisation terroriste en parlant d’une idéologie s’appuyant sur la « force morale »[contenue dans ses actes d’« endoctrinement »] (par opposition à la force physique réelle). Le procureur général d’Izmir avait recommandé à deux reprises l’acquittement des accusés.

La décision finale de la Cour de cassation de maintenir les condamnations est d’autant plus préoccupante qu’un procès distinct concernant des actes de torture qu’aurait subi Mehmet Desde aux mains de quatre policiers est toujours en cours ; on attend une décision de la 8ème chambre de la Cour de cassation. L’appel dans cette affaire a été interjeté en décembre 2004. Amnesty International observe qu’il est déjà arrivé que la Cour de cassation annule les décisions de juridictions inférieures au motif que celles-ci n’avaient pas attendu la fin du procès de tortionnaires présumés avant de se prononcer.

Amnesty International considère que le jugement rendu contre les huit personnes citées témoigne de la persistance d’une procédure qui ne garantit pas l’équité des procès dans le cadre de la justice pénale en Turquie. Le contexte dans lequel s’est déroulé le procès inéquitable de Mehmet Desde et de ses compagnons est décrit en détail, ainsi que plusieurs autres dossiers, dans un rapport centré sur les procès de personnes inculpées au titre de la législation antiterroriste, rendu public par Amnesty International en septembre 2006 (Procès interminables et déni de justice. Les personnes inculpées en vertu de la Loi antiterroriste continuent d’être soumises à des procès interminables et inéquitables, Index AI : EUR 44/013/2006). Le droit à un procès équitable est inscrit dans la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales et dans le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques. En tant qu’État partie à ces deux conventions, la Turquie est dans l’obligation légale de respecter le droit à un procès équitable de toutes les personnes relevant de son autorité. (AI-EUR 44/003/2007, 8 fébruary 2007)

Joint Article 301 proposal draws wide criticism

A group of prominent civil society representatives yesterday submitted their media-ready proposal to the government to amend controversial Turkish Penal Code (TCK) Article 301, preparations for which made headlines all week.

The proposal, declared by Economic Development Foundation (IKV) head Davut Okutcu on the group's behalf, attracted immediate criticisms, as many said it was rather a retreat to the older version of the article under which numerous people, including politicians, stood trial.

The proposal kept the notion "Turkishness," the most striking and controversial part of the article apart from its vague wording, but introduced "derision or "hurling invective" in place of "insult," as the offense.

Under the proposal, people -- either in Turkey or abroad -- who deride or hurl invective at Turkishness, the Turkish Republic, Parliament, judiciary, military or police would be given prison terms ranging from six months to two years.  The proposal also defines Turkishness under Article 66 of the Constitution, which says people who are tied to the Turkish Republic with a bond of citizenship are called Turks.

But, some lawyers claimed, it failed to bring a clearer definition of the notion in legal terms, which foreshadows more excessive and subjective interpretations.

The text, agreed upon by all 10 participants excepting the Revolutionary Workers' Labor Union (DISK) and the Turkish Doctors Union (TTB), also proposed reduced penalties for the offense.

DISK said on Wednesday that the law should be struck down altogether, branding it the primary reason for rising chaos and violence in society.

The IKV head denied claims that the new proposal is a retreat to the old article as claimed by many, including Ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party deputy leader Dengir Mir Mehmet Firat.

On Tuesday, Firat called the proposal a "throwback" in terms of penalties and the overall mentality of the article and compared it with the previous version of the article, the defunct TCK Article 159. Several AK Party members, including the premier himself, stood trial under the article. Erdogan, then mayor of Istanbul, was given a six-month sentence for reciting a poem on charges of provoking the public.

"We came up with a proposal, it will not necessarily be enacted," Okutcu said. "We made it out of demands for change, it neither brings the country back to something old nor improves it." (The New Anatolian, 9 February 2007)

Professional organizations propose tiny change in Article 301

After a round of failed attempts, professional organizations have reached an agreement on a joint proposal for changes to Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, an issue that has been subject of a heated discussion since the murder on Jan. 19 of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink.

In the agreed text, the organizations do not demand removal of the terms “Turkishness” and “Republic.” But they do redefine “Turkishness,” although it is not visible in the text of the article, since a definition of the term is provided in a separate, appended text explaining the justification for the law. Under that definition, the term “Turkishness” is explained in reference to Article 66 of the Constitution, which states “everyone tied to the Turkish Republic by bond of citizenship is Turkish.”

The maximum limit for punishment imposed for crimes mentioned in Article 301 was decreased from three years to two years. The third paragraph, reading, “In cases where denigration of Turkishness is committed by a Turkish citizen in another country, the punishment shall be increased by one-third,” was deleted, meaning that the same punishment should be applicable irrespective of where the crime has been committed.

However, the Confederation of Revolutionary Workers' Unions (DİSK) and Turkish Physicians' Association (TTB) withdrew from the joint group criticizing the final draft text that arose from the discussions.

"This draft is no different than the existing article" said DİSK chair Süleyman Çelebi.

"A deduction in the foreseen penalties wouldn't lead to a change on the terrible consequences that this article can cause. Hrant Dink would have been lynched anyway during the trials, even if he didn't get convicted".

"We want the complete removal of the article", he added.

TTB chair Gencay Gursoy agrees and says that this process is made up to create an excuse for the government to end the controversy with minimal reform to the article.  (Turkish media, Februay 5, 2007)

Pression sur les médias / Pressure on the Media

Freedom House Calls on Ankara to Respect Media Freedom

Freedom House expressed concern today at recent attempts by the Turkish government to intimidate media outlets, and calls on authorities to respect freedoms of the press and expression leading up to presidential and general elections scheduled for later this year.

In recent weeks, the Kanal Turk TV station, which is perceived to be critical of the ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party, has reported attempts by officials to intimidate it into curtailing critical reporting. Attempts at intimidation have included detailed investigations by the Ministry of Finance into the financial activities of Kanal Turk TV, including examinations of the tax records, bank accounts, and income flow of both managers and employees, as well as the personal expenses of family members of the management and guests who have appeared on the station's programs. These and similar actions against other media outlets have prompted condemnation by both local and international organizations, including the head of the Turkish Press Council.

"These subtle forms of intimidation have no place in a democratic society and are inconsistent with the positive steps that Turkey has taken in the past six years to improve its ratings in press freedom," said Karin Karlekar, managing editor of Freedom House's Freedom of the Press survey.

Freedom of the Press 2006, Freedom House's most recent survey of press freedom, categorizes Turkey's media environment as Partly Free. Turkey's current ranking of 103rd place out of a total of 194 countries and territories worldwide reflects a number of positive media reforms that have been passed in recent years in preparation for the membership in the European Union.

However, Turkish media continue to face a number of pressures, and legal threats to media freedom appear to be on the rise. Prosecutions of journalists, publishers, and activists under Article 301 of the penal code that criminalizes insults to "Turkishness," nearly doubled in 2006 from the previous year.

Hrant Dink, a Turkish-Armenian journalist and the founder of the Agos newspaper, who had been convicted under Article 301 for having "insulted Turkey's national identity," was assassinated by an extremist nationalist on January 19. Following his murder, numerous local and international groups, including Freedom House, joined together to renew calls for Article 301 to be amended or abolished altogether.

"Ensuring a free and open media environment is vital to any healthy democracy, and is particularly important in the months leading up to an election," said Jennifer Windsor, Freedom House's Executive Director. "We hope that the Turkish government can demonstrate its ability to withstand public scrutiny by respecting all forms of free expression, even those that are critical."

Freedom House, an independent non-governmental organization that supports the expansion of freedom in the world, has been monitoring political rights and civil liberties in Turkey since 1972 and press freedom since 1980. (Freedom House/IFEX, 28 February 2007)

ECHR Condemns Turkey on Journalists' Cases

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) condemned Turkey on three cases involving violation of right to a fair hearing and right to liberty and security.

The court released its decisions on 12 applications from Turkey on February 20.

One of the applicants, Mustafa Benli, the proprietor and editor-in-chief of the political magazines Hedef, Liseli Arkadaş and Alevi Halk Gerçeği was sentenced to 12 years and six months' imprisonment for being a member of the TDP (Turkish Revolution Party - Türkiye Devrim Partisi) in 1999.

The court condemned Turkey of violating Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights, namely the right to a fair hearing.

Benli had been convicted by a State Security Court (DGM), which included a military judge at the time. The Strasbourg court rejected Benli's other claims regarding right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion and freedom of expression.

On other accounts, Ayşe Oyman also received a positive result on her application for violation of the right to a fair hearing.

In April 2002 security forces searched the local office of the newspaper Yedinci Gündem, of which Oyman was the representative. In June 2002 she was sentenced to three months' imprisonment for distributing the newspaper in spite of a ban.

Lastly, the court condemned Turkey to 3 thousand euros in damages concerning the application of Osman Özçelik, former Deputy Chairman of the pro-Kurdish HADEP (People's Democratic Party).

The application concerns Özçelik's arrest and detention in police custody on 21 July 1999 during the course of a police operation carried out by the security forces against the pro-Kurdish guerilla group PKK.

Relying, in particular on Article 5 -right to liberty and security-, Özçelik complained that there was no reasonable suspicion for his arrest, that he was held in police custody without being brought before a judge and that he had no remedy under domestic law to challenge the lawfulness of his detention.

The case filed against Özçelik in Turkey with the allegation of "supporting the terrorist organization", had been put on hold with the law of general conditional pardon brought in 2002. (BIA News Center, February 22, 2007)

Article 301: 12 people found guilty, 18 cases are ongoing

In the 21 months since article 301 of TPC enetered into force at least 12 people have been found guilty, 18 cases under are ongoig.

The first person condemned under 301 was lawyer İbrahim Güçlü who is also a sprokeperson of a Kurdish association Kurd-Der. Güçlü was condemned to 1,5 years of imprisonment for 'Turkishness, military or security organisations'. The latest victim of 301 id AGOS writer Aydın Engin. The information released by Human Rights Joint Platform, revelas the record of article 301:

- The chief editor of AGOS Hrant Dink was condemned to 6 months imprisonment for insulting Turkishness.
- Responsible editor of “'Yeni Dünya İçin Çağrı' and 'Güney' magazines Aziz Özer, has been condemned to 6 months imprisonment each two cases, and to 720 TL fine under another.
-  Istanbul branch chairperson law Eren Keskin was condemned to 10 months imprtisonment for 'insulting the turkish army'.
- Erkan Akay who sent an article on Armenain issue to 'Yeni Dünya İçin Çağrı' magazine received 1 year imprisonment.
- Publisher Fatih Taş got 6 months for 'insulting Republic”.
- Teachers Union Eğitim-Sen’s Tunceli Branch Chairman Hanefi Bekmezci got 6 months for "insulting the military".
- Trade unionist Hüseyin Ser got 6 months.
- Democratic Society Party’s Erzincan Branch Chairman Hüseyin Bektaşoğlu got 1 year for “insulting the security”.
- Writer Mustafa Balbal got 10 months for insulting the security forces in his book.
- Radio program maker Ejder Öziç got 6 months for criticising sending troops to Iraq.
- Journalist Zülküf Kısanak got 5 months for insulting the republic in his book.

Ongoing Cases:

- Journalist Abdurrahman Dilipak: insulting the army.
- Writer Murat Coşkun and publisher Ahmet Önal: insulting the army
- Editor of Doz Publishers Ali Rıza Vural: publishing a book insulting the republic.
-  Enis Mazhar Tayman of Tempo magazine, responsible editor Neval Barlas and Kürd-Der’s executive İbrahim Güçlü: insulting Turkishness.
- Erhan Kara: insulting the prime minister.
- Erol Özkoray: insulting the military.
- journalist Ersen Korkmaz-Necmettin Salaz: insulting the government
- Ferhat Tunç: insulting the judiciary.
- writer Faruk Çakır: insulting the military.
- writer İsmail Beşikçi, journalist and publishers Mehmet Ali İzmir and Ferzende Kaya: insulting the military.
- Ahmet Şah Ayaz, Murat Ayaz: insulting the organs of the state.
- writer Murat Pabuç: insulting the military.
- writer Osman Tiftikçi-publisher Sırrı Öztürk: insulting the army.
- writer publisher Ragıp Zarakolu: 2 cases, insulting Turkishness.
- journalist Serhat İncirli: insulting Turkishness.
- journalist Sinan Kara: insulting the army.
- Tuncay Özkan-Cüneyt Arcayürek-Adnan Bulut: insulting the military.
(antenna-tr.org, February 21, 2007)

Intellectuals: Amendment is not a Solution, Abolish 301

Artists and intellectuals gathered for the abolishment of article 301 of TPC. The group organised a press meeting on 19 February 2007. Spokeperson Kemal Aytaç of Contemporary Lawyers Association said “People should not be discriminated or humiliaeted because of their ethnic origins or believes. And inciting hostility among different groups should be banned. Yet article 301 does not serve this end, on the contrary it causes discrimination and separatism hence becoming a threat against peace and democracy”.

The group includin Vedat Türkali, Sevnur Sezer, Celal Başlangıç, Ümit Kardaş and Akın Birdal released a petition headed “Article 301 is a Threat to Social Peace. Amendment is not a solution, it should be abolished”. (antenna-tr.org, February 21, 2007)

Le journaliste Mehmet Koksal élu au Conseil de direction de l'AJP

Réunie en assemblée générale le samedi 17 février 2007 au Résidence Palace, l’Association des journalistes professionnels a renouvelé son Conseil de direction pour une durée de quatre ans.

Marc Chamut a été réélu à sa présidence. Maroun Labaki (Le Soir) devient vice-président du Conseil, qui accueille neuf autres nouveaux venus : Ricardo Gutierrez (Le Soir, comme représentant des quotidiens), Pierre Havaux (Sud Presse, représentant des quotidiens), Christophe Cordier (Télésambre, pour les télévisions régionales et communautaires), Bruno Fahy (indépendant, représentant de la presse photographique et filmée), Roger Pint (BRF, pour les médias germanophones), Marc Simon (RTBF, représentant de la section Namur-Hainaut), Daniel Conraads (Le Soir, représentant de la section de Liège), Eric Lekane (L'Avenir du Luxembourg, représentant de la section de Luxembourg) et Mehmet Koksal (indépendant, pour la section Bruxelles-Brabant). Cette nouvelle équipe se complète de Gabrielle Lefèvre (Le Soir, trésorière), Albert Jallet (Vers L’Avenir, secrétaire), Christine Scharff (Trends/Tendances, représentante des hebdomadaires), Arnaud Grégoire (indépendant, représentant de la presse électronique), Pierre-Yves Millet (RTBF, représentant de l’audiovisuel public), Eric Van Duyse (RTL-TVi, représentant de l’audiovisuel privé), Jean Blavier et Dominique Nahoé (représentants des journalistes indépendants), dont les mandats ont été renouvelés.

"Le plurilinguisme sera de mise dans ce conseil avec Maroun Labaki à la vice-présidence, Roger Pint, qui représentera les journalistes germanophones, Ricardo Guttierrez, ou le remuant Mehmet Koksal, dont l'élection marque la reconnaissance de ses pairs pour le courage avec lequel il assume son devoir d'informer dans un contexte bien difficile," estime le Vice-président de la Fédération européenne des Journalistes, Philippe Leruth sur son blog.

Mehmet Koksal interprète son élection sur son blog en ces termes: "Je suis naturellement très content de cette élection car certains détracteurs vont avoir du mal à expliquer comment un "pseudo-journaliste" arrive à se hisser au Conseil de direction de l'Association des Journalistes Professionnels. A moins d'évoquer une "prétendue" association de pseudo-journalistes soi-disant professionnels ?"

Info-Turk félicite Mehmet Koksal pour sa réussite tant sur le plan professionnel qu'organisationnel et souhaite que son courage constitue un exemple à suivre pour de jeunes journalistes d'origine turque en Belgique.

Writers, publishers pay tribute to Kurdish author Mehmet Uzun

Sixteen prominent writers and publishers from Sweden, Norway and Turkey paid tribute to author Mehmet Uzun on Saturday at the Istanbul Bilgi University. Uzun who is Kurdish but a Turkish citizen, spent years in exile in Sweden where he first began his long journey to establish a literary Kurdish language tradition.

During the one-day conference, the speakers pointed out the problems faced by those authors who have had to leave their own cultures and countries, that is, the same problems Uzun faced in his writing. They also discussed his status as the most important writer in modern Kurdish literature. 

Author Eugene Schoulgin, who was chair of the Writers in Prison Committee for International PEN between 2000 and 2004, discussed at length the difficulties of being a writer in exile and of having the memories of one's homeland while trying to adapt to his or her new country. Schoulgin concluded, “For Mehmet Uzun I think his life in exile has given him just as much as it has taken away from him, but he is living proof that nothing can stop a real writer from creating as long as he continues to fight the barricades, they might be put there by intellectually inferior authorities or by his or her own mysterious mind.” 

Uzun himself spoke at the end of the conference, saying that he wasn't accustomed to addressing meetings such as had taken place because in the past his writings and authorship had been discussed in police stations, prosecutors' offices and the courts. He stressed that in his works he had always talked about “the defeated and the oppressed” because history was written by the victors. During his 15 years in exile in Sweden, Uzun wrote many novels and essays in Kurdish, Turkish and Swedish but when his works began to be published in Turkey, the authorities took notice and opened legal cases against him. He was subsequently acquitted of all charges. 

The author was diagnosed with cancer last spring and the doctors who were treating him gave up hope; however, when he returned to Turkey by plane and on a stretcher because he was so weak, he went on to Diyarbakir where he continued treatment, he began to improve. He himself calls his recovery “miraculous.” He also emphasized, “I am determined to continue writing about the defeated and oppressed.” 

Uzun who had been working on a novel based on the life of Erich Auerbach before diagnosed with cancer announced that he had completed the preliminary work on the book and would now begin writing it. Auerbach, a Jewish philologist, fled Nazi Germany and spent years teaching at Istanbul University. His best-known book, Mimesis, analyzes the representation of reality in Western literature.

Drawing attention time and time again to how important it was for a writer to be free and detached from ideologies, governments and official points of view, Uzun said, “For the saving of man and humanity there has to be conditions of justice, mercy, conscience, equality and freedom.” He also stressed that a writer has to trust in these values. 

Following the end of the conference, Uzun was given a standing ovation; he then signed books and posed for photographs. 

The large audience consisted of people involved in literature, authors and academics. Turkey's leading writer Yasar Kemal and his wife, Ayse Semiha. Uzun calls Kemal, who has frequently been nominated for the Nobel Prize for Literature, his spiritual father. Uzun has also been nominated for the prize in recent years.  

The conference was sponsored by Bilgi University's Comparative Literature department, Anatolian Culture and the Swedish Mehmet Uzun Committee with the support of Sweden's Istanbul Consulate General. 

The subject of the morning session was “Writing in a Language that was faced with Obstacles” and examples from Mehmet Uzun's works and contributions were evaluated within the context of the tie between language and literature. The second session began by addressing the question, “What Happened to the Storyteller?” Attention was focused on oral literature traditions and the storyteller as the basic character in Uzun's novels. 

The speakers included Eugene Schoulgin, Thorvald Steen, Necmiye Alpay, Seyhmus Diken, Asli Erdogan, Muhsin Kizilkaya, Bjorn Linnell, Per Erik Ljung, Azar Mahloujian, Jonas Modig, Maria Modig, Jale Parla, Gellert Tamas, Belim Temo, A. Omer Turkes and Ragip Zarakolu. (TDN, February 19, 2007)

BIA Report: Press freedom violations in 2006

2006 turned out to be the year when both the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) confirmed their places siding with restrictions faced with freedoms in Turkey.

We witnessed the huge and numerous problems regarding freedom of expression and press, caused by the wording as well as the philosophy behind the legislation that those two parties enacted as reforms at the National Assembly.

In an environment where state institutions and security forces are held sacred, the new Turkish Penal Code, entwined with imprisonment sentences and criminalizing the ambiguous act of "insulting Turkishness" resulted in arbitrary trials and prosecutions, which took the infamous article 301 of the Code to international attention in 2006.

In contrast to the trends in international law, even criticism against state institutions were treated with a threat of imprisonment ranging up to three years.

As a matter of fact, BIA² Media Monitoring Desk's compilations conclude that the number of prosecuted journalists, publishers and activists had risen to 293 in 2006, in comparison to 157 in the previous year.

72 of those have been prosecuted under article 301 of the Penal Code (article 159 in the previous legislation). 35 people have been tried with article 216; eight on Law on Crimes Against Ataturk and 24 with allegations of "influencing the jurisdiction" with reference to different legislation.

37-page report classifies 318 different cases and 449 journalists, publishers and activists involved under the headlines "attacks and threats", "detentions and arrests ", "trials and initiatives", "European Court of Human Rights", "RTUK applications", "adjustments and seeking justice" and "Reaction to censorship""

Websites new targets for attacks

According to the report 26 journalists and two media outlets have been assaulted while seven journalists have been threatened and three websites have been hacked by nationalists in 2006. 33 journalists and 16 media outlets had been assaulted the previous year.

For example, journalist Metin Uca was attacked and injured following a seminar in Gazi University and offices of daily Cumhuriyet were targeted with hand grenades on two accounts.

Far and foremost PM Recep Tayyip Erdogan and other government members frequently made declarations where they blamed the press.

Sports commentator Hasmet Babaoglu said that he'd received threats after criticizing Mateja Kezman's transfer to Fenerbahce during the "90 Minutes" programme broadcasted on NTV.

Seven people convicted of article 301

Complaints filed by the General Staff, Police Department and nationalist circles as well as problems that arose during the judicial process brought the article 301 of the Penal Code into international attention. Number of individuals tried with the article in question went up to 72 from 29 in the previous year.

Hrant Dink, Sabri Ejder Öziç, Eren Keskin, Aziz Özer, Erol Özkoray, Mehmet Fethi Dördüncü and Hanefi Bekmezci had been convicted on those cases.

Before falling victim to a murder on January 19, 2007, Turkish-Armenian writer Hrant Dink had been prosecuted once again for saying that "he recognizes the Armenian Genocide allegations" during an interview with the Reuters agency and publishing a news on the campaign for the abolition of the very article he'd been tried of. Owner of his newspaper Agos, Sarkis Seropyan and responsible director Arat Dink will also be tried on that account.

13 of the cases filed with reference to the article 301 were acquitted while five cases were dropped because of prescription or lack of consent from the Ministry of Justice.

Courts prone to influence by the press!

24 journalists have been subjected to legal intervention with reference to articles 277 and 288 of the Penal Code and article 19 of the Press Law which defines the crime of "influencing a fair trial".

Hurriyet daily columnist Ahmet Altan was tried and acquitted on one account for his article titled "Child Who Lost His Name" where he commented on documents related to an ongoing legal case.

Lube Ayar, İsmail Saymaz, Faruk Çakır, İbrahim Yıldız, Necdet Tatlıcan, Hrant Dink, Aydın Engin, Serkis Seropyan, Arat Dink, Güray Öz, Murat Yetkin, İlhan Selçuk, Mehmet Sucu, Murat Belge, İsmet Berkan, Haluk Şahin, Erol Katırcıoğlu, Hasan Cemal, Nalan Akgün, Azer Banu Kemaloğlu and Ender Can Cevahir frequented court rooms for allegations of attempting to influence the judicial process.

Cumhuriyet daily reporter Alper Turgut has been convicted for reporting a case where police officers were acquitted by prescription on allegations of torture.

Three convictions for allegations of "inflaming hatred and hostility"

Article 216 of the Penal Code, which penalizes "inflaming hatred and hostility among peoples" continue creating controversy following ambiguous interpretations by the Supreme Court.

While four other cases resulted in acquittals, Islamist writers Emine Şenlikoğlu, Mehmet Şevket Eygi and Samir Cebeci were convicted on allegations related to the article.

Elaborate legal attention to news related to the military

As of 2007, writers will be tried at Specialized High Criminal Courts established to replace the disputed State Security Courts on allegations of "diverting public from military service" or "making terrorist organization propaganda".

Hurriyet daily reporter Sebati Karakurt and responsible directors Necdet Tatlıcan and Hasan Kılıç as well as Milliyet daily reporter Namık Durukan face upto five years imprisonment for their pieces on pro-Kurdish guerilla group Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).

Daily Birgün's Sunday supplement editor Gökhan Gençay and responsible director İbrahim Çeşmecioğlu is on trial with allegations of "diverting public from military service" for an interview on conscientious objection while Ülkede Özgür Gündem daily reporter Birgül Özbarış faces a total of 21 years in prison for several cases on the same article.

Journalist Perihan Mağden has been acquitted on a similar allegation.

Three million euros worth of actions for damages against the press

Last year number and cost of suits for damages against those who expressed their views also accrued: Army Cooperation Instution (OYAK) has filed cases against five journalists demanding 5 million YTL (around 2,5 million euros) in damages for critical articles of a tender in which the institution was involved.

In 2006, counting the actions for damages filed by OYAK, MOPAK and gold mine firms that continue using cyanide in explorations in Bergama, total worth of damages requsted from journalists amounted to 6 million 60 thousand YTL (around 3 million euros). It was 1, 5 million YTL the previous year.

"Insulting Ataturk" cases rest as usual

Journalist İpek Çalışlar, writer of Ataturk's partner Latife Hanım's biography as well as Aram publishing house owner Fatih Taş who released John Tirman's ""Spoils of War: The Human Cost of America's Arms Trade" and its translators had benn acquitted on allegations of "insulting Ataturk", the founder of the Rebuplic of Turkey.

Despite this positive development, publisher Ragıp Zarakolu and two translators are still on trial in relation with this law.

Furthermore, Peri Publishing House owner Ahmet Önal has been convicted on a case against the book, "Ambitions and Prisoners" by Evin Çiçek. Nationalist and Kemalist circles have targeted Prof. Atilla Yayla, following his critical comments of Ataturk during a conference.

Alternating journalists in prisons

In 2006 three media workers were released as four others got imprisonment sentences. Those arrested following an operation launched against the outlawed Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) organization are still not charged after six months. Among the 36 arrested are İstanbul Özgür Radyo broadcast coordinator Füsun Erdoğan, Atılım newspaper editor-in-chief İbrahim Çiçek and coordinator Sedat Şenoğlu.

In another raid by security forces to the leftist Özgür Halk and Genç Bakış magazines, concessionaire Suat Kolca and three workers were arrested.

Two DİHA-Dicle News Agency reporters who were arrested on allegations that molotov coctails were found in their vehicle during the anniversary of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan's arrest had been released after nine moths in prison.

Number of condemnations in the ECHR decrease

Number of convictions and cost of damages given by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) against Turkey in cases involving freedom of expression decreased in 2006.

During the year the strasbourg court ruled for damages amounting to 221 thousand euros to 45 individuals. This figure was around 400 thousand euros in 2005.

No regulation but penalties in broadcasting

Turkey's Radio and Television Supreme Board (RTUK) conducted several meetings with tv broadcasters following public reaction to day time so-called women's and magazine programmes.

After a complaint by RTUK on grounds of "unlicensed broadcast" regarding İmaj Radio, a court decision said "the Board recognizes the radio's existence when collecting dues from advertisement income and now try to complain about unlicensed broadcasts". RTUK is yet to conduct license allocations since more than 10 years when private-owned stations went into air. (BIA News Center, Erol ONDEROGLU, February 16, 2007)

Besikci: Experts Board is Against Science and Freedom of Thought

Sociologist İsmail Besikçi was in court on 12 February for the second hearing of the case against him over his article published in popular culture magazine “Esmer“’s December 2005 issue. Beşikçi is charged with "inciting hatred and hostility among the people by the means of press".

Besikçi faces 4,5 years imprisonment under TPC article 216/1.

The chief editor Ferzende Kaya and the responsible editor Mehmet Ali İzmir are charged with "insulting the military forces of the state'. Besikçi told the court the institution of experts were against science and freedom of thought.

Besikçi said: "I would not agree with an expert report even if it justifies my article. Reading books searching for crime would decay scientific world.” Besikçi added: "Would not Turkey disagree if Greece or Bulgaria forced kids with Turkish origin to repeat in school everyday ‘I am Greek, may my entity be a gift for Greek state’? The same think should be thought for Kurds. Treat others as you want to be treated."

The case was opened after the complaint of the General chief of staff on 19 January 2006. As expert report said “there is no elemnt of crime under article 301 but it could be considered under article 216", the case was opened under 216. (antenna-tr.org, February 15, 2007)

Un feuilleton accusé d'inciter les jeunes à la violence supprimé

Un feuilleton accusé d'inciter les jeunes à la violence a été supprimé après les fortes réactions qu'il a suscitées en Turquie, ont annoncé ses producteurs qui ont dénoncé une "censure" des autorités audiovisuelles.

La diffusion au début du mois pour la troisième saison consécutive de "Kurtlar vadisi - terör" ("La vallée des loups - la terreur") a provoqué une controverse dans la presse notamment, les médias le jugeant dans l'ensemble trop empreinte de nationalisme et sanguinolente.

"Nous avions le choix entre supprimer ou provoquer un retrait de la licence de la chaîne" qui le diffuse, a souligné jeudi soir Pana Film productrice du feuilleton.

"C'est une censure qui ignore les opinions de ceux qui suivent le feuilleton", souligne un communiqué.

L'instance turque de supervision des médias audiovisuels (RTÜK) a annoncé avoir reçu en une semaine pas mois de 14.000 plaintes de personnes demandant que le feuilleton soit supprimé.

Il est diffusé sur la chaîne privée Show TV.
 Un film a également été tourné sur le même thème, "Kurtlar vadisi - Irak" ("La vallée des loups - Irak") et a enregistré des entrés record en Turquie.

Mais sa diffusion en Allemagne, qui abrite une forte communauté turque, a provoqué des réactions des responsables de la droite allemande et des Verts qui l'ont jugé antiaméricain et antisémite.

"La vallée des loups" --film le plus cher de l'histoire du cinéma turc avec un budget de 8,4 millions d'euros-- est tiré d'une histoire vraie, l'arrestation le 4 juillet 2003 par des soldats américains de 11 militaires turcs en raison d'"activités suspectes" dans la ville kurde irakienne de Souleymaniye (nord). Ils avaient eu la tête recouverte de sacs de jute. (AFP, 16 fév 2007)

Journalist Convicted of Influencing the Court

Bagcilar 2nd Court of First Instance condemned daily Yeni Asya editor-in-chief Faruk Cakır to six months imprisonment for "attempting to influence the judicial process" concerning one article about the State Council shooting in May 2006. The sentence was rendered to a fine by the court.

Cakir had been tried on two charges because of an article, which implied that the shooting suspect Alparslan Arslan was linked to a nationalist group and that several retired army officers solicited him.

The court acquitted him on one of the charges, namely of "humiliating the armed forces".

Arslan, a lawyer, had raided the State Council on May 17 shooting five judges and leaving one dead.

Upon his arrest, he implied that the shooting was motivated by a Council decision on a ban on wearing headscarfs in public areas.

The newspaper article in question alleged that Arslan was a member of the anti-İslamist, nationalist so-called "Kızılelma" group, whose members included former army officers.

Despite defense lawyer's argument that the judicial process regarding Arslan's trial wouldn't be influenced by an newspaper article, the court ruled against Cakır, condemning him to damages amounting to 3 thousand 600 YTL (about 1 800 euros). (BIA News Center, February 14, 2007)

Controversial Ban on Radio Station

Radio and Television Supreme Council banned the broadcast of Anadolu'nun Sesi (Voice of Anatolia) Radio.

The Council based its decision on grounds that the radio has continued diffusing programmes which "impelled the society to violence and ethnic discrimination as well as aiming at discriminations among peoples on differences of region, language, religious sects, social class or race".

We'll start to all possible legal procedures to revindicate this ruling, said the representatives of the radio station.

The station had been penalized with a temporary interception of broadcast for 30 days in 2004 for broadcasting a song by the dissident Kurdish singer Ahmet Kaya.

Ankara 12th Administrative Court disapproved the RTUK ruling after three days but the same court witheld with the original penalty following the trial. (BIA News Center, February 14, 2007)

Les intellectuels turcs réduits au silence

Menacés dans leur pays, de nombreux défenseurs des droits de l’homme se sentent également lâchés par l’Union européenne.

« ON VA te régler ton compte » : l’avertissement était punaisé sur la porte du bureau d’Ibrahim Kaboglu, à l’université Marmara d’Istanbul. Ses étudiants ont reçu des SMS : « Le professeur Kaboglu a été tué dans un attentat. » Les messages ont été envoyés depuis son propre téléphone portable, dérobé à son domicile au cours d’un cambriolage nocturne. Le professeur de droit constitutionnel a porté plainte, sans résultat. Il a également demandé une protection policière qui lui a été refusée par le gouverneur adjoint d’Istanbul en 2006.

Ce même haut fonctionnaire avait mis en garde Hrant Dink des dangers qu’il encourait. « J’ai décidé de rendre publiques ces menaces après son assassinat, au cas où il m’arriverait quelque chose », explique Ibrahim Kaboglu. Le journaliste d’origine arménienne, abattu le 19 janvier, a payé de sa vie son combat pour la démocratie et le dialogue turco-arménien. De nombreux autres intellectuels et défenseurs des droits de l’homme continuent d’être menacés en Turquie. Leurs noms sont couchés sur une liste noire, cible des ultranationalistes, dans une indifférence quasi générale des pouvoirs publics.

Le plus médiatique d’entre eux, Orhan Pamuk, a quitté le pays le 1er février en toute discrétion pour les États-Unis. Le Prix Nobel de littérature, qui a été traîné devant les tribunaux pour avoir évoqué le génocide arménien, était régulièrement menacé depuis 2005. Ces derniers jours, l’étau se resserrait. « Dites à Pamuk de prendre garde ! » avait lancé l’un des principaux suspects de l’attentat contre Hrant Dink après son arrestation. La semaine dernière, la photo de l’écrivain est apparue sur Internet à côté de la dépouille du journaliste, dans une vidéo signée des « Brigades turques de la vengeance », avec une mise en garde : « D’autres vont mourir. »

Le cas de Pamuk est l’arbre qui cache la forêt : les chefs de file démocrates font l’objet d’une véritable traque. Dans la ligne de mire, ceux qui cherchent à briser le tabou sur le massacre des Arméniens commis sous l’Empire ottoman, défendent des droits pour les Kurdes, critiquent la dérive idéologique du culte d’Atatürk... Les articles 301 et 216 du Code pénal font partie de l’arsenal utilisé contre ces partisans de l’ouverture démocratique. Plusieurs dizaines d’entre eux ont été poursuivis, notamment à l’initiative d’un groupe d’avocats d’extrême droite. Les menaces de mort sont un autre volet du plan destiné à les réduire au silence.

Dans les heures qui ont suivi l’assassinat du rédacteur en chef d’Agos, les autorités ont attribué d’office des gardes du corps à au moins sept personnalités, comme Etyen Mahçupyan, qui a pris la suite de Hrant Dink à la tête de l’hebdomadaire. Ou la romancière Elif Safak, traduite en justice en septembre, à cause des propos tenus par un de ses personnages sur « les bouchers turcs de 1915 ». Ismet Berkan, rédacteur en chef du quotidien libéral Radikal, harcelé par des lettres anonymes, est également sous protection. Avec quatre autres journalistes, il avait été poursuivi pour avoir dénoncé une décision de justice visant à interdire une conférence sur les Arméniens, en 2005.

« Génération sacrifiée de la mondialisation »

Cette vague d’intimidations se déroule sur fond de retour en force du nationalisme. Ces dernières semaines, des slogans ultranationalistes ont remplacé les encouragements sportifs dans les stades de foot de villes anatoliennes. À Afyon les supporteurs ont scandé « Nous sommes tous Ogün ! » (l’assassin présumé de Hrant Dink, NDLR) « Pas éduquée, sans travail et sans espoir, c’est la génération sacrifiée de la mondialisation et de la modernisation de la Turquie », analyse Mehmet Altan, professeur d’économie. Réclamé par tous les médias pour dresser un diagnostic de la société, cet intellectuel en vue a également reçu des menaces par e-mails, « les mêmes que Pamuk ». Il les évacue d’un rire sonore car « c’est dans l’air pour chacun de nous ».

Ces invectives lancées dans les tribunes sont révélatrices du gouffre qui s’est creusé entre une élite pro-européenne, et une partie de la population arc-boutée sur sa vision d’une Turquie entourée d’ennemis. « Nous sommes des traîtres à la patrie, achetés par l’Union européenne », résume Baskin Oran. « Je vais te tuer ». « Je baise ta mère »... Ce professeur de sciences politiques à Ankara a reçu des menaces. Il est également sur la liste noire. En 2004, il était membre du Conseil consultatif des droits de l’homme, une instance créée par le gouvernement et alors présidée par Ibrahim Kaboglu. Les conclusions accablantes d’un rapport sur les droits de l’homme en Turquie ont valu aux deux universitaires un procès devant le tribunal correctionnel d’Ankara en 2006 pour « insulte à l’identité turque ». Ils ont été acquittés, mais le procureur général s’est pourvu en cassation, signe de l’acharnement d’une justice hostile au processus de démocratisation. Pour Kaboglu, le pouvoir est responsable du climat actuel : « Le jour de la remise du rapport, un syndicaliste me l’a arraché des mains et l’a déchiré. Le gouvernement n’a pas réagi. » Un silence qui laissait la voie libre aux meurtriers de Hrant Dink. En guise de protection, Kaboglu, lui, essaye de se faire discret, évite les plateaux de télévision et trouve un peu de réconfort dans les poignées de mains d’anonymes qui le reconnaissent dans la rue.

Aux abois, les intellectuels turcs se sentent également lâchés par l’Union européenne. Attablé dans une pâtisserie sur les bords du Bosphore, Soli Ozel, chroniqueur au quotidien Sabah, ne s’habitue pas à son nouveau garde du corps : « Je ne sais pas pourquoi la Sûreté me l’a attribué, car je n’ai jamais été menacé. Je dois faire partie du contingent juif. » Pendant que le policier surveille la porte d’entrée, Ozel confesse sa rancoeur envers l’UE : « À longueur d’articles, nous avons défendu les réformes réclamées par Bruxelles. Nous nous sommes opposés aux adversaires de l’adhésion. Et maintenant qu’on a besoin de soutien, plus rien ! » Baskin Oran ne digère pas non plus « la politique hypocrite de l’UE » qui a poussé un peu plus la Turquie dans le piège du nationalisme. Pour lui, les réformes démocratiques ont déjà révolutionné le pays : « Nous sommes en route pour le paradis, mais le chemin est long et il passe par l’enfer. On y est. » (Le Figaro, LAURE MARCHAND, 13 février 2007)

Editor in chief faces 301 violation charges

An Istanbul court is currently hearing a case on charges of violating the controversial Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK) against the editor in chief of the daily newspaper Yeni Asya, the paper announced in an e-mail message received by the Turkish Daily News yesterday.

The acting editor in chief of Yeni Asya, Faruk Çakır, is being charged under Article 301 for an article titled "The game backfired," printed in the newspaper on May 23, 2006.

The Prosecutor's Office of Bagcılar in Istanbul is accusing Çakır of "attempting to influence the judicial process," a violation of Article 288 of the TCK and "insulting military state organs via the press," a crime under Article 301. The case was filed on June 20, 2006.

The next hearing on the case is scheduled for today at 9:45 a.m. in the 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance at the Bağcılar Courthouse.  (Turkish Daily News, February 13, 2007)

Gülay Gokturk s’inquiéte de “ l’esprit et la tradition Union et Progrès”

“Centre de production d’Ogun Samast” tel est intitulé l’article de la Gülay Gokturk dans le quotidien Bugun en référence à l’association des forces nationales fondée par un groupe de personnes ultra nationalistes "nés de parents turcs, sang pur et strictement Turc" qui prolifère actuellement dans diverses villes d’Anatolie et qui organise des cérémonies de serment [d’allégeance à l’ultranationaliste en utilisant des expressions racistes ].

Nous avons entendu que ces gens à travers le pays constituaient de tels groupes “des milices civiles”. Cependant, je croyait qu’il s’agissait de légendes urbaines. Du moins je croyait que cela était exagéré. Maintenant que j’ai vu que les membres de telles associations faisaient allégeances sur leur fusil et maintenant que je les ai entendu menacer de constituer des groupes civils contre le crime, je suis terrifié.

Dans quel genre de pays vivons-nous ? Nous faisons des réformes pour ajuster nos lois, notre structure administrative et notre économie au plus près du monde civilisé tandis qu’en même temps quelques radicaux armés forment des milices civiles dans l’esprit et la tradition d’Union et Progrès [ le comité qui a régné durant l’empire ottoman après un coup d’Etat contre le Sultan en 1908 ]. (Stéphane/armenews, 13 février 2007)

Sociologist Ismail Besikci Once Again Faces Trial on the Army's Demand

Sociologist İsmail Besikci, known for his dissident opinions on the Kurdish issue faces trial for his article titled "We Oppressed Instead of Talking" which appeared on Esmer magazine.

Esmer owner Ferzende Kaya and editor-in-chief Mehmet Ali İzmir will also stand trial with Besikci on accounts of "propulsion to violence and hatred", as quoted on article 216 of the Turkish Penal Code.

Prosecution pressed charges following the investigation brought by General Staff's "secret" criminal complaint.

During the investigation, Prof. Mehmet Emin Artuk of Marmara University Law School denoted that Besikci's statements may constitute the alleged crime.

Prosecutor's indictment rests on this interpretation and Besikci and others' trial begins today with 4 and-a-half years of imprisonment.

Another article that appeared on the magazine, which harshly criticized Gen. Yasar Buyukanıt didn't result in a trial following Prof. Arduk's counterview.

İsmail Besikci had faced numerous trials concerning his dissident opinions on the Kurdish issue in Turkey.

He had been in prison for years before a conditional discharge in 1999.

Bakırköy Criminal Court of First Instance will handle the case. (BIA News Center, Erol ONDEROGLU, February 12, 2007)

Opposing Journalist Imprisoned Without Evidence

International press cardholder journalist and editor-in-chief of "Güney" magazine Mehmet Bakır goes today to serve a two and-a-half-year prison sentence handed town with regard to now abolished article 7 of the Prevention of Terrorism Law (TMY).

He's convicted with seven others, of being a member and/or supporting the "illegal Bolshevik Party North Kurdistan/Turkey" organization.

Human rights groups criticized the Supreme Court of Appeals decision to approbate the local court ruling.

They claim that lack of any concrete evidence against Bakır as well as a reasoned decision by the Supreme Court amounts to a "legal scandal".

Amnesty International (AI) issued an alert, calling for solidarity with Bakır while Human Rights Association (İHD), Contemporary Lawyers Association (ÇGD) and Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TİHV) declared their deprecation of the trial process.

Despite the counterview of the prosecution, Bakır was condemned by İzmir 8th High Criminal Court to a prison sentence as well as a fine and a ban from public duty and leave of country, on March 16, 2006.

Article 7 of the notorious TMY, which was used to suppress dissident voices since it came into effect in 1991, has been abolished in July 2006 as a part od the reform process for Turkey's bid to join the EU.

Lawyers say Bakır and his codefendants were condemned of "moral duress", a term that doesn't comply with contemporary principles of law.

"This case shows once again that despite all reforms, expression of dissident opinions are evaluated as terrorism in this country", Initiative for Association of 78s said in an announcement. (BIA News Center, Erol ONDEROGLU, February 12, 2007)

Le malaise des intellectuels turcs après le meurtre de Hrant Dink

Déjà vilipendés par les cercles ultranationalistes, parfois ouvertement menacés, les intellectuels libéraux turcs ne se sentent désormais plus en sécurité dans leur pays, après l'assassinat, le 19 janvier, du journaliste d'origine arménienne Hrant Dink.

Les spéculations sur une éventuelle fuite du Prix Nobel de littérature Orhan Pamuk vont bon train depuis qu'il s'est envolé à la fin du mois dernier pour officiellement continuer d'enseigner à l'Université de Columbia, aux Etats-Unis.

Le romancier est détesté par les nationalistes, qui le considèrent comme un "traître" pour avoir contredit la position officielle sur les massacres d'Arméniens pendant l'empire ottoman, que la Turquie refuse de reconnaître comme un génocide.

Pamuk a préféré se taire sur son départ, qui intervient dans un climat de tension deux semaines après la mort de Hrant Dink, tué par un mineur soupçonné d'agir au sein d'un groupuscule ultranationaliste.

Son entourage et sa maison d'édition en Turquie ont démenti la thèse d'un exil même temporaire pour échapper aux menaces qui avaient visé également le journaliste assassiné.

"Il n'a pas fui la Turquie, il est parti normalement et il va revenir", s'est contenté de dire un collaborateur qui souhaite garder l'anonymat.

Le 24 janvier, alors qu'il était conduit au tribunal d'Istanbul sous escorte policière pour y être inculpé, l'un des complices du meurtrier présumé de Hrant Dink avait publiquement menacé l'écrivain --bénéficiant depuis peu d'un garde du corps-- lui conseillant d'"être sage".

Après le meurtre de M. Dink, les autorités ont finalement accordé une protection à plusieurs autres intellectuels ou journalistes considérés comme de cibles potentielles.

Parmi eux, figure Baskin Oran, professeur de sciences politiques à Ankara et co-auteur d'un rapport sur les droits des minorités qui lui avait valu les foudres des milieux nationalistes et du gouvernement d'Ankara.

M. Oran, un habitué des campagnes d'intimidation, évoque une "culture de lynchage" en Turquie et estime qu'il appartient à l'Etat d'assurer la protection de ses ressortissants.

"Si l'Etat ne peut protéger son citoyen, est-ce que cet individu peut rester fidèle à son Etat", s'interroge l'académicien qui dénonce l'inaction des autorités policières et judiciaires face aux menaces qu'il reçoit régulièrement.

"Le procureur m'a demandé si je pouvais me réconcilier avec les gens qui m'ont menacé. Je lui ai répondu que non", ajoute l'académicien.

Erol Önderoglu, représentant de Reporters sans frontières (RSF) à Istanbul, estime que si la police a fini par affecter des gardes du corps aux intellectuels menacés, c'est sous la pression des medias qui l'accusaient de négligence dans l'affaire Dink. La presse turque a en effet accusé la police d'avoir été au courant des projets d'assassinat de Dink et de n'avoir rien fait pour l'empêcher.

"La police assure la protection des stades de football avec des milliers d'hommes et ils ne peuvent pas protéger les intellectuels?", s'étonne M. Önderoglu, qui affirme que les menaces ne sont pas des actes isolés mais "organisés".

Depuis la mort de Dink, des ONG ont déposé une proposition pour amender l'article 301 du Code pénal turc qui sanctionne les "insultes à l'identité turque". C'est cet article qui avait valu, suite à des plaintes d'associations nationalistes, à Hrant Dink et Orhan Pamuk ainsi qu'à une soixantaine d'autres intellectuels d'être poursuivis par la justice turque.

Mais, confronté à une montée du nationalisme et à quelques mois des élections, le gouvernement n'a pas encore fait connaître sa position sur ce projet qui devrait permettre de clarifier une disposition jugée trop vague et décriée par l'Union européenne que les Turcs souhaitent rejoindre. (AFP, Burak AKINCI, 12 fév 2007)

Joint statement signed in memory of Hrant Dink by 21 IFEX members

The following is a joint action statement signed in memory of Hrant Dink by 21 IFEX members and other organisations:

We, the undersigned,

- Saddened by the assassination of Turkish-Armenian journalist and founder of the "Agos" newspaper, Hrant Dink, on 19 January 2007;

- Recalling that Hrant Dink had been condemned to a six-month suspended sentence for having "insulted Turkishness" under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code;

- Considering that the criminalisation of insult and defamation is in conflict with international standards that guarantee the right to freedom of expression in that it discourages free debate on the function of official institutions, and that the term "insult" is too vague to have any standing as a legal charge, being too easily interpreted to meet the needs of those in authority and being potentially used as another means of preventing open discourse on sensitive issues;

- Therefore, observing that Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code is used to suppress the right to freedom of expression as guaranteed in the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), to which Turkey is a party;

- Considering that defamation and/or insult laws cannot be justified if their purpose or effect is to protect the "reputations" of entities other than those that have the right to sue and to be sued;

- Supporting the ECHR case law according to which defamation laws cannot be justified if their effect or purpose is to prevent legitimate criticism of officials or the exposure of official wrongdoing or corruption;

- Pointing out that those charged for "insulting Turkishness" under Article 301 have become targets for extremists, many of whom have suffered verbal and physical attacks outside courtrooms, culminating in the tragic events of 19 January;

- Welcoming that the authorities have now offered police protection for others who have been charged under these laws;

- Believing that the discontinuance of the court hearings and the dropping of the offence of "insulting Turkishness" will serve to reduce the likelihood of any further tragedies;

Urge the Turkish authorities to:

- Abolish Article 301 of the Penal Code entirely;

- Remove once and for all any articles that can be used to suppress the rights enshrined under Article 19 of the ICCPR and Article 10 of the ECHR (e.g. Law 5816). (IPA/WiPC/IFEX, Febr