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 Chief Editor /Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Responsible editor/Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul



 

Earlier bulletins / Bulletins précédents

26e Année - N°282

Février / February 2002

 
La modification dans les articles 159 et 312 du Code pénal restreint davantage la liberté d'expression au lieu de l'élargir. "Sous couvert des réformes demandées par l'UE, le pouvoir élargit encore le champ des délits de presse," déclare RSF.


Ankara se moque de l'Europe

  • Les nouvelles réformes cosmétiques
  • Une réforme démocratique en trompe l'oeil
  • Turkish Reforms Get Mixed Reviews
  • TIHV Issues 2001 Human Rights Annual Report
  • Adjustment Laws Entered into Force
  • AI: "Constitutional amendments: Still a long way to go"
  • Ankara twists and turns over question of death penalty
  • Un policier fier d'avoir tué beaucoup de Kurdes
  • Recent news about death fasts in Turkey
  • Human Rights violations in brief
  • PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA POLITIQUE INTERIEURE / INTERIOR POLICY QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION MINORITES / MINORITIES SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS IMMIGRATION / MIGRATION BELGIQUE-TURQUIE / BELGIUM-TURKEY

    Les nouvelles réformes cosmétiques

    L'Assemblée nationale turque a adopté le 6 février une nouvelle série de réformes cosmétiques pour "rapprocher la Turquie des normes démocratiques de l'Union européenne". Toutefois, beaucoup d'observateurs reprochent au projet de réforme de restreindre la liberté de parole au lieu de l'élargir.

    Pour plusieurs juristes, les deux articles 312 et 159 du code pénal auraient dû être complètement supprimés. "Des limites sont imposées à la liberté de pensée...dans les pays démocratiques, mais dans aucun d'entre eux les gens ne sont jugés et condamnés pour ce qu'ils disent comme dans le cas des articles 312 et 159", a déclaré le président de l'association des avocats d'Istanboul Yucel Sayman.

    Même ces modifications ont suscité des divisions au sein de la coalition tripartite.

    Deux modifications du code pénal concernant la liberté de parole ont entrainé une polémique entre le parti de la Mère Patrie (ANAP), favorable à la réforme, et l'Action nationaliste (MHP), qui s'était déjà opposé à d'autres réformes pro-européennes.

    Face à la résistance du MHP, le DSP avait décidé de soumettre le paquet législatif au parlement, en proposant des modifications au texte initial de deux articles, qui ont été adoptées grâce au soutien de trois partis de l'opposition.

    Un des articles, dont la définition trop vague avait été contestée, portait sur la sédition. Son champ d'application a été limité au cas où "une incitation à la haine au sein de la population en fonction de différences de classe, de race, de religion, de secte et de région" pourrait "mettre en danger l'ordre public". Ce délit est passible de peines de prison de un à trois ans.

    Par ailleurs, la peine de prison prévue a été réduite de trois ans à six mois, en cas "d'insulte ou de diffamation contre la nation turque, l'Etat, le parlement, l'administration et l'armée".

    Les autres dispositions adoptées réduisent à trois ans maximum (au lieu de 5) les peines de prison pour propagande terroriste et élargissent notamment les droits des prisonniers.

    Dans une lettre adressée le 6 février à Gunter Verheugen, commissaire à l'élargissement à la Commission européenne, Reporters sans frontières (RSF) a dénoncé le projet de modification par le parlement turc de la législation sanctionnant les délits de presse.

    "Sous couvert des réformes demandées par l'Union européenne, le pouvoir élargit encore le champ des délits de presse réprimés par la loi. C'est un comble, mais c'est désormais une constante de la politique des autorités turques en matière de droits de l'homme : d'un côté, des engagements généraux sont pris vis-à-vis de l'Union européenne dans le cadre du partenariat d'adhésion; de l'autre, tous les moyens sont mis en ¦uvre pour contrôler toujours plus étroitement la liberté d'expression", a déclaré Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de Reporters sans frontières.

    "Nous vous demandons de signifier clairement aux autorités turques que ces projets de loi sont inacceptables", a ajouté M. Ménard dans sa lettre au Commissaire européen.

    Suite aux modifications apportées à la Constitution, en octobre 2001, en vue d'un rapprochement avec l'Union européenne, les autorités turques s'étaient engagées à amender les articles du code pénal relatifs à la presse. Or les modifications qui ont été proposées le 24 janvier tendent plutôt vers un durcissement de la législation. Le projet s'est heurté à une vive opposition, mais devrait être représenté prochainement.

    L'article 312 du code pénal punit les "incitations à la haine et à l'hostilité par voie de discrimination". Le projet d'amendement présenté par les autorités, le 24 janvier, prévoit de considérer la "probabilité" d'incitation à la haine raciale comme un délit et d'inclure l'"insulte à l'honneur des personnes" et l'"insulte à une partie du peuple" comme nouveaux chefs d'inculpation, assortis d'une peine de six mois à deux ans de prison ferme.

    L'article 159 du code pénal punit les "moqueries et les insultes contre les institutions de l'Etat" de un à six ans de prison ferme. Si la nouvelle version de l'article 159 vient réduire la peine maximale à trois ans de prison, elle s'étend désormais à quiconque insulte la "turquicité", la nation turque, l'Etat turc, le parlement, le conseil des ministres, les ministères, les tribunaux, les forces armées ou de sécurité, ainsi que ses représentants. Le fait de mettre en cause une seule de ces institutions est puni de la même peine.

    Les articles 7 et 8 de la loi antiterroriste condamnent la "propagande d'une organisation terroriste" et la "propagande séparatiste". Le projet de loi prévoit d'étendre l'article 7 de la loi antiterroriste à la "propagande d'organisation terroriste par voie d'incitation à l'usage de moyens terroristes". L'article 8 quant à lui vise à punir "la propagande écrite, visuelle ou verbale, par voie de réunion, de manifestation ou de marche , d'un à trois ans de prison et d'une amende allant de un à trois milliards de lires turques (902 euros). D'après le projet, si la propagande constitue une incitation à commettre des actes terroristes, la peine de prison prononcée ne peut être convertie en amende.

    Reporters sans frontières rappelle que plus de cinquante journalistes ont été jugés en 2001 en vertu de ces articles:

    Erol Özkoray, fondateur et rédacteur en chef de la revue trimestrielle Idea Politika, est toujours poursuivi en vertu de l'article 159 du code pénal, pour "insulte à l'armée" et "insulte à la République". Dans plusieurs articles, il a analysé le rôle que joue l'armée turque au sein des institutions, son omniprésence politique et son poids économique. Il a estimé que l'armée bloquait la démocratisation du pays, candidat à l'Union européenne. Un premier procès, qui s'est ouvert le 9 novembre 2001, a abouti à un non-lieu. Cinq autres procédures judiciaires ont été ouvertes à son encontre, dont l'une fait suite à la publication d'une interview de Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de Reporters sans frontières, qui évoquait la "schizophrénie" du régime turc. La première audience de ce second procès est prévue pour le 4 avril 2002.

    Le 13 février 2002, Fatih Tas responsable des Editions Aram, comparaîtra devant la Cour de sûreté d'Etat n° 3 d'Istanbul, en vertu de l'article 8 de la loi antiterroriste, pour avoir publié, en septembre 2001, un recueil d'articles du linguiste et analyste politique Noam Chomsky, traitant du problème kurde, intitulé "Interventionnisme Américain". Noam Chomsky sera présent lors de l'audience.

    Nese Düzel, journaliste pour le quotidien d'opposition Radikal, est accusée d'"incitation à la haine par voie de discrimination religieuse" en vertu de l'article 312, pour une interview réalisée le 8 janvier 2001 avec Murtaza Demir, présidente d'une association de la communauté des Alevis, connus pour être des musulmans progressistes. La journaliste a déjà été entendue trois fois par le juge.

    Le 15 février, Celal Baslangiç, journaliste de Radikal, et Osman Tuna, responsable des Editons Iletisim, comparaîtront pour la seconde fois devant la seconde cour d'assises de Sultanahmet d'Istanbul pour avoir publié le livre "Le Temple de la Peur". Dès sa sortie en août 2001, l'ouvrage avait été saisi par les autorités judiciaires. Tous deux sont accusés de "moqueries et insultes envers les forces armées turques" en vertu de l'article 159.

    Depuis le 29 juin 2001, Fikret Baskaya, éditorialiste du quotidien prokurde Özgür Bakis et universitaire, est emprisonné à la prison de Kalecik à Ankara. Le 26 janvier 2001, la Cour de cassation avait confirmé une peine d'un an et quatre mois de prison et une amende de 1 066 000 000 de lires turques (855 euros) prononcée par la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat pour "propagande séparatiste", en vertu de l'article 8 de la loi antiterroriste. L'éditorialiste avait écrit, dans un article intitulé "Est-ce un procès historique ?", publié le 1er juin 1999 dans le quotidien Özgür Bakis, que "les dirigeants turcs ont toujours considéré le problème kurde comme un problème d'ordre public alors qu'il s'agit d'un problème national, et ont pensé pouvoir résoudre le problème en appliquant une politique chauvine, raciste et nationaliste". (Info-Türk, 16 février 2002)

    Une réforme démocratique en trompe l'oeil

    Une série de réformes visant à élargir la liberté de pensée et d'expression en Turquie pour la rapprocher des normes de l'Union européenne a reçu un accueil sceptique jeudi, vu son peu d'impact probable.

    Avant même leur adoption mercredi par le parlement, ces amendements au code pénal avaient reçu une pluie de critiques pour leur insuffisance, y compris au sein de la coalition gouvernementale au pouvoir, dans la crainte de voir encore retardée l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne.

    "Je ne m'attends pas à ce que les amendements aient un impact majeur dans la pratique", a souligné pour l'AFP le professeur Nevzat Toroslu, spécialiste du code pénal de l'université d'Ankara.

    Les critiques se concentrent sur les amendements aux articles 159 et 312 du code pénal, qui ont permis à l'Etat d'embastiller intellectuels et hommes politiques pour leurs opinions ou même pour avoir récité un poème, à l'instar du dirigeant islamiste modéré Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

    Pour l'article 312, qui punit l'incitation à la haine basée sur les différences de race, religion, classe ou région, l'amendement stipule que le "crime" doit menacer l'ordre public pour être constitué.

    "Cela ne fait aucune différence parce que l'interprétation est laissée à l'appréciation du juge. Et tant que la mentalité des juges ne change pas, il ne peut y avoir de progrès", a souligné M. Toroslu.

    Cet article, qui prévoit des peines de un à 3 ans de prison, a envoyé derrière les barreaux surtout des défenseurs des Kurdes ou des islamistes.

    Quant à l'article 159, qui punit l'insulte et la diffamation envers la nation turque, l'Etat, le parlement, l'administration et l'armée, il est resté inchangé mais la peine maximale de prison encourue a été réduite de 6 à 3 ans.

    Le vaste domaine qu'il couvre a envoyé nombre de gens devant des tribunaux pour avoir critiqué les autorités.

    Ainsi, le quotidien libéral Radikal soulignait jeudi que 6 de ses éditorialistes étaient actuellement en procès pour avoir dénoncé les exactions des forces de l'ordre, la situation dans les prisons, et la façon dont l'Etat a géré une grève de la faim des prisonniers qui a fait 45 morts.

    "La lutte démocratique a porté ses fruits, les libertés n'ont (au moins) pas été réduites", titrait ironiquement Radikal jeudi.

    Il faisait allusion à une première version des réformes qui aggravait même les restrictions, mais a finalement été remaniée malgré l'opposition du parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP), partenaire de la coalition de Bulent Ecevit et souvent hostile aux réformes en vue d'adhérer à l'UE.

    M. Ecevit avait finalement soumis le paquet d'amendements au parlement où il a été retouché et adopté sans les voix du MHP, mais avec celles de l'opposition et du troisième partenaire de sa coalition, le parti de la Mère Patrie (ANAP) du vice-Premier ministre Mesut Yilmaz, chargé du dossier européen.

    "Nous pensons que les amendements ne sont pas adéquats, mais au moins, il n'y a pas eu de régression", a souligné le chef du barreau d'Ankara, Sadik Erdogan.

    La Turquie a été déclarée candidate à l'UE en décembre 1999, mais n'a pas encore ouvert de négociations d'adhésion. Elle doit pour ce faire améliorer sa démocratie bancale. Mais les autorités arguent régulièrement qu'un élargissement de la liberté d'expression pourrait faire le jeu des islamistes ou des séparatistes kurdes, et menacer la stabilité du régime. (AFP, Sibel Utku, 7 février 2002)

    Turkish Reforms Get Mixed Reviews

    A set of long-delayed reforms aimed at bolstering Turkey's chances for membership in the European Union will help reduce widespread torture but do little to expand freedom of expression, human rights advocates and legal scholars said Thursday.

    The package of constitutional amendments was passed by the 550-member parliament Wednesday despite tough resistance from the ultranationalist wing of Turkey's three-party coalition government, whose members said the reforms would encourage Kurdish separatists and other enemies of the state.

    Husnu Ondul, chairman of Turkey's Human Rights Assn., the country's leading advocacy group, said the changes will dramatically improve human rights in four Kurdish-dominated provinces where most abuses occur. Those four provinces are governed by special emergency laws. Under the new law, detainees accused of so-called terror crimes can be held without trial for a maximum of seven days.

    Previously, anyone accused of sympathizing with rebels of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party, better known as the PKK, or of committing other terror offenses--often with scant evidence--could be held indefinitely without access to a lawyer. As a result, hundreds of prisoners are languishing in jails throughout the four provinces.

    It is unclear what will happen to current detainees under the new law.

    Emergency rule was introduced throughout the southeast to help quell an insurgency launched in 1984 by the PKK, which sought to establish an independent Kurdish state.

    Rebels declared a unilateral cease-fire following the 1999 capture of their leader, Abdullah Ocalan, and an atmosphere of relative peace now prevails. As the PKK began to scale down its attacks, the Ankara government started phasing out emergency rule in the Kurdish regions.

    In 1999, Turkey became the first predominantly Muslim nation to be added to the EU's list of official candidates for membership. But the country's poor human rights record and its refusal to grant its estimated 12 million Kurds greater cultural rights are cited among the chief reasons why Turkey has not yet been admitted to the bloc.

    Ondul said in a telephone interview that most of the reported abuses occur during pretrial detention. Reducing the length of that period will reduce torture, he said.

    "It's a huge improvement," he said.

    But critics say the reforms do not go far enough, noting that laws against insulting or defaming the Turkish state remain on the books, even though the maximum jail term has been cut from six years to three.

    "The broad interpretation of the law will continue to result in scores of academics, journalists and politicians being prosecuted and jailed for expressing dissenting views," said Nevzat Toroslu, head of Ankara University's penal law department.

    "The interpretation of the laws is left in the hands of the judges, and as long as the mentality of the judges does not change, there cannot be progress," Toroslu said.

    Turkey is likely to face a new round of criticism Wednesday, when Istanbul publisher Fatih Tas is to appear in court. Tas published a book containing excerpts from a speech by American linguist and social critic Noam Chomsky in which he accused Turkey of "brutal repression" of Kurds.

    Prosecutors are seeking to send Tas to prison for a year. Chomsky said in a telephone interview that he would travel to Istanbul for the trial "to show support for this extremely brave individual."

    A senior Turkish official who declined to be identified acknowledged that "Chomsky's presence would be hugely embarrassing," partly because the trial coincides with a conference in Istanbul bringing together foreign ministers from Islamic and EU countries. The forum is meant to highlight Turkey's self-proclaimed role as a bridge between East and West.

    "With Chomsky around, more likely they'll probably be focusing on our human rights record," the official said. (Los Angeles Times, February 8, 2002)

    TIHV Issues 2001 Human Rights Annual Report

    The Human Rights Annual report for 2001, issued by the Documentation Center of the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TIHV), was presented at a press conference in Ankara by TIHV head Yavuz Önen. Önen stated that 2001 had been the most repressive year yet, despite there having been loud calls from within the debate on EU entry, for democracy from various groups and classes of society as well as for progress at a political level.

    Önen said that political, social and cultural rights of citizens and groups had been severely violated through measures taken to protect national unity, national security and the secular and democratic republic. The major problem in 2001 was the contradiction between human rights and policies to protect the regime.

    Önen pointed out that opposition parties in Turkey were subjected to persistent and severe repression. The HADEP Party had been subjected by far to the most repression such as arrests and detention. Such repression, aimed to silence critics of the regime, has also been directed at civilian and democratic organizations such as associations, foundations, professional associations and trade unions. Amongst the targets for police and state prosecutors in 2001 were the trade union KESK, the medical association Türk Tabipler Birligi, the Lawyers Association in Istanbul, the trade union Yargi-Sen, the Turkish Human Rights Association IHD and the Turkish Human Rights Foundation TIHV. Turkish legislation had been amended to enable action to be taken against these groups.

    In the past year many events had either been banned or prevented through massive police intervention. Önen also reported that there continued to be a danger to both life and limb. Although the number of murders by unknown persons had marginally reduced in 2001, there had still been many such murders as well as disappearances, unlawful executions, deaths in custody, forced resettlements and village clearances. Children had again been the victims of arbitrary repression by the security forces.

    The protests concerning the F-type prisons are daily on the foundation's agenda. To date 87 people have lost their lives. The justice minister has rejected every proposal. From 400 prisoners who have had their sentences suspended because of ill-health, 341 turned to the TIHV because of their health problems.

    On the situations in the state of emergency provinces, Önen said that their economies and democracy were in a bad state. No improvements whatsoever could be observed. Village dwellers wanting to return to their homes had been subjected to arbitrary violence from the gendarmerie and village marshals. The marshals continue to occupy estates. The 3 main villages built by the government have been handed over to village marshals and gendarmerie. There are still around 4 million people without a roof over their head who are living in inhumane conditions.

    Önen said that incidents of torture had not declined despite legislative changes, training programmes and official notices to counter such. A total of 1,229 people had approached the TIHV for treatment in 2001. Those officials responsible for torture continue to receive protection from the judiciary.

    Changes to paragraphs 159 and 312 of the Turkish penal code do not fulfill the expectations of the public. On the contrary, they lay the grounds for further restrictions on basic freedoms.

    According to TIHV records for 2001, there were 24 murders by unknown persons, 33 people were unlawfully executed, and thousands had been subjected to violence. A total of 456 cases were brought before the state security courts concerning speeches made or articles written. A total of 3,468 political party leaders and members had been arrested, 3,245 of those being from HADEP. Fifty-five HADEP offices had been raided by the police and 1.059 people had made complaints to the EU Court of Human Rights. (Yedinci Gündem-IKM, February 14, 2002)

    Adjustment Laws Entered into Force

    After State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer signed the draft amendments to various laws, called the "adjustment laws" (for joining the EU), they entered into force by being published in the Official Gazette on 20 February. As far as Article 159 TPC (insult of State authorities) is concerned the maximum sentences were reduced from 6 to 3 years' imprisonment. Conviction under this provision will no longer result in fines. The new wording of Article 312 TPC reads:
    "Whoever praises an offence or says that it is ositive or who incites the people not to abide by the law, will be punished by imprisonment of between 6 months and 2 years."

    "Whoever incites the people to enmity or hatred based on differences of social class, race, religion, faith or region in a way that may endanger the public order, will be punished by imprisonment of between 1 and 3 years."

    "Whoever incites the people in a way that might belittle part of it or harm human dignity receives the same punishment as in paragraph 1. In case that the above cited offences are committed by the tools and ways mentioned in Article 311 TPC (mass media) the sentences will be doubled."

    The new legislation provides for an increase of fines for offences under Article 7/2 of the Law to Fight Terrorism (LFT; propoganda for a terrorist organization) by 10 times. As far as Article 8 LFT is concerned (separatist propaganda) the minimum sentence was lowered from 2 to 1 year's imprisonment and the maximum sentence from 5 to 3 years' imprisonment. However the fines were increased by 20 times on the low level (TL 1 billion) and 30 times on the maximum level (TL 3 billion). The fines for publications was lowered from 90% of one monthly income to 75% of a monthly income. TV and radio stations may be closed for periods of 1 to 7 days. Changes made to Article 16 of the Law on State Security Courts shortens the maximum length of detention for offences committed jointly by three or more people from 7 to 4 days. In the region under a state of emergency the period may be extended on demand of a prosecutor and decision by a judge to 7 days. Previously the maximum period of detention had been 10 days. Prisoners in pre-trial detention may at any time confer with legal counsel. The same applies for prisoners, whose period of detention was prolonged. Provisions under Article 107 and 128 of the criminal procedure code (TCPC) were reworded so that relatives will have to be informed, once a person has been detained. (Cumhuriyet-Hürriyet-TIHV, February 20, 2002)

    AI: "Constitutional amendments: Still a long way to go"

    Amnesty International issued at the end of January 2002 a report on the latests constitutional amendments in Turkey which considers these changes far from satifsfying the international norms of human rights. The following is an AI press release on the subject:

    On 3 October 2001, the Turkish Parliament adopted a law amending 34 articles of the Constitution (Law No. 4709), which entered into force on 17 October 2001. The amendments included the introduction of equality of men and women, an increase in the number of civilian members in the National Security Council and some welcome steps to an improvement of human rights in Turkey. These include the shortening of detention periods before being brought before a judge; the abolition of the death penalty for criminal offences; the introduction of the right to a fair trial into the constitution; and the lifting of the ban on statements and publications in Kurdish and of the ban on amnesties and pardons for politically motivated offences committed after the amendment entered into force. While some restrictions on fundamental human rights were lifted, however, new restrictions were introduced that fall short of Turkey¹s international human rights obligations. Also, the death penalty was not abolished for war times and ³terrorist² crimes. Amnesty International (AI) is especially concerned that the amendments did not include significant guarantees for freedom of expression and safeguards against torture. Following the constitutional amendments several laws will have to be changed accordingly. AI will continue to monitor the legal changes and implementation after the constitutional amendments.

    This report discusses some aspects of the constitutional amendments which relate to concerns in the mandate of Amnesty International: torture, fair trial issues, death penalty, freedom of expression and the situation of human rights defenders.

    AI welcomes some aspects of the constitutional reform, but at the same time urges the Turkish authorities to follow up these first steps with further constitutional amendments and the necessary law reforms in order to fully comply with international human rights standards. Furthermore, these reforms must be applied in practice. The report concludes with a detailed list of recommendations, the implementation of which would help rectify the human rights situation in Turkey regarding the concerns stated in this paper. AI urges the Turkish authorities to implement these recommendations in a form compatible with its international human rights obligations. (AI INDEX: EUR 44/007/2002)

    Ankara twists and turns over question of death penalty

    While Istanbul was seeing off participants of the "Joint Forum" of the Organization for the Islamic Conference and the European Union, Ankara was getting ready to welcome EU Enlargement Commissioner Gunther Verheugen on a mission to gauge the progress Turkey had made in fulfilling the EU's conditions for membership.

    Verheugen's visit, which reminded Turkey of its responsibilities ‹ especially concerning minority cultural rights ‹ also revived discussions about some very sensitive issues, including the death penalty.

    The "National Program" announced by the Turkish government last year stipulates that a number of new laws have to be passed by the end of March. Among these are supposed to be laws governing the press, radio and television, education, associations and the use of Kurdish in education. The most significant, though, is a law on capital punishment, which the EU wants Turkey to abolish.

    A statement by Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit sparked off discussion about the death penalty. Ecevit said the problem could be solved without government intervention via agreement between the political parties in Parliament. This statement was a reflection of the dispute raging within the ruling coalition about the death penalty and of the difficulties faced by the government in coming up with a draft bill for abolishing it.

    The root of this dispute within the coalition lies with the extreme right-wing Nationalist Movement Party of Deputy Prime Minister Devlet Bahceli, which is vehemently opposed to abolition. Yet the issue wouldn't have gained the prominence it has had it not been for the fact that it is seen as the flip side of a coin, the other (more important) side of which concerns the fate of jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan. Ocalan (Apo to his friends) has been incarcerated and under a death sentence on the high-security prison island of Imrali in the Sea of Marmara, south of Istanbul, since February 1999.

    Bahceli's party is opposed to the abolition of the death penalty precisely because that would mean sparing Ocalan's life. This is seen as a crucial issue by a party that owes its success in the elections of April 1999 to its nationalist ideology that is opposed to any form of Kurdish nationalism. In fact, the Nationalist Movement campaigned under the slogan of "Cut off Ocalan's head." It goes without saying that the party doesn't want to have anything to do with pardoning Ocalan (or indeed with anything other than executing him).

    Awkwardly for Ankara, this hard-line stance on the part of the Nationalist Movement comes at precisely the time Turkey is trying hard to implement the clauses of the EU's Accession Partnership Agreement ‹ one of the most important of which is the abolition of capital punishment.

    By trying to sidestep the government, Ecevit wanted to save the Nationalist Movement from embarrassment. He calculated that all the other political parties represented in Parliament would support abolition, and that the bill would pass despite the opposition of Bahceli and his colleagues.

    But this only succeeded in igniting another debate. Capital punishment is not only mentioned in the Turkish Penal Code (Article 125), but is also enshrined in the country's constitution (Article 38) as punishment for certain crimes committed against the state, such as terrorism and waging war.

    It is quite a simple matter to amend Article 125 of the Penal Code, which only needs a simple majority in Parliament. Amending the Constitution, however, can only be accomplished with a two-thirds majority in Parliament.

    Seeing the relative ease with which the Penal Code can be amended, many prominent Turkish politicians said that to do so would be enough to abolish capital punishment. Motherland Party leader and Deputy Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz said: "We have to abolish the death penalty before negotiations on full EU membership start. It is enough to amend Article 125 (of the Penal Code) without amending the Constitution."

    Yilmaz suggested replacing the death penalty with hard labor for life.

    Nationalists disagree. Ugur Alacakaptan, for example, says amending the Penal Code and not the constitution would create new problems.

    The only solution, he says, would be to amend Article 38 of the Turkish Constitution. Another nationalist, Ibrahim Kaboglu, says that Parliament should decide on the issue. If Parliament wants, it can say that amending the Penal Code is enough.

    Of course, as in any issue of consequence in Turkey, the army has to have its say. In this case, the Turkish military decided that it would be best to amend the Penal Code while leaving the death penalty enshrined in the constitution. Turkey's army generals believe there is no need at this point in time to remove capital punishment from the constitution.

    The two Islamist opposition parties ‹ the Justice and Development Party (AK) and the Saadet Party (SP) ‹ adopted vague positions. While opposing capital punishment on principle to speed up Turkey's accession to the EU, as opposition parties they don't want to make the government's life any easier.

    The biggest surprise, however, came from former Prime Minister Tansu Ciller's opposition True Path Party. When Premier Ecevit suggested that the issue of capital punishment be referred to Parliament, he figured that only the Nationalist Movement would oppose its abolition through amendment of the constitution. Ecevit thought he had the necessary two-thirds majority to amend the constitution (367 out of a total of 550 MPs) in the bag.

    The prime minister had misread Ciller's position. When the debate on the death penalty was well and truly underway, Ciller declared: "Let's hang Ocalan first and then abolish the death penalty!"

    With this position, Ciller killed off Ecevit's initiative to abolish the death penalty by amending Article 38 of the constitution. After all, the total number of True Path and Nationalist Movement MPs (213) would preclude any vote on abolition winning a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Ciller is now demanding that the "Ocalan file" be referred to Parliament, so that it can do "what it has to do."

    Ciller's position is rooted in domestic Turkish politics. The former prime minister fears losing her popular base, especially since her right-wing party shares its constituency with the Nationalist Movement.

    The Turkish judiciary, meanwhile, is awaiting the verdict of the European Court of Human Rights on Ocalan's appeal. In the meantime, it doesn't appear that the death penalty will be removed from the Turkish Constitution. Amending Article 125 of the Penal Code will not be sufficient, at least as far as Europe is concerned.

    The issue of the death penalty in Turkey is set to remain as a title for a far more fundamental problem: the fate of Ocalan and the Kurdish question as a whole.

    On the other hand, turning the death penalty into a pawn in domestic politics without abolishing it completely will only delay Turkey's accession to full EU membership.

    Milliyet columnist Fikret Bila says: "Everyone is in a bind. A compromise must be found, although such a solution is not easy in a country that is still not completely free of the threat of terrorism." Meanwhile, in Yeni Safak, prominent Turkish commentator Fehmi Koru asks: "How wise is it to link the fate of a country ‹ whose future needs fundamental changes to its system of government ‹ to that of a person described as the 'head of terrorism?'"

    Adopting a more realistic tone, Milliyet's Derya Sazak says Sept. 11 presented a golden opportunity for Turkey as far as its relationship with the EU is concerned. If negotiations for accession begin late this year, Sazak says, the country will definitely become an EU member by 2010. It would be unfair to future generations of Turks, he contends, if this opportunity were lost because of everyday political squabbles over such issues as the death penalty.

    Another Milliyet commentator, Taha Akyol, agrees. He says: "Capital punishment must be abolished, including the sentence passed on Abdullah Ocalan. We must allow broadcasting in Kurdish as well. We must make haste in joining the EU to maximize its benefits to our country. We must always remember that a strong Turkey will always be better placed to defend its unity."

    Ankara is waiting to see whether the EU will include the PKK in its soon to be released list of terrorist organizations. Yet even if the PKK were listed as a terrorist organization, it would be superfluous to expect that to affect domestic Turkish positions vis-a-vis the death penalty, which will remain ‹ along with broadcasting and teaching in Kurdish ‹ among the most contentious issues undermining Turkey's progress towards full EU membership.(Daily Star-Beirut, February 28, 2002)

    Un policier fier d'avoir tué beaucoup de Kurdes

    Le quotidien turc Hurriyet a, le 10 février, publié l'interview d'Ayhan Çarkin, membre des forces spéciales turques (TIM), un des rares condamnés à l'emprisonnement dans l'affaire de Susurluk. "Le condamné de Susurluk, membre des forces spéciales turques, Ayhan Çarkin, dévoile la plus grande erreur: l'Etat n'aurait pas dû nous faire descendre de la montagne", titre sans détours Hurriyet, indiquant ouvertement son orientation politique.

    D'ailleurs, l'éditorial de son rédacteur en chef, Ertugrul Ozkok, le lendemain, est un véritable plaidoyer en faveur d'A. Çarkin. "Tous les pays ont recours à des personnes légitimes comme cela Un pays jouissant d'une géographie si malchanceuse pourra avoir à nouveau besoin de ces hommes dans l'avenir" écrivait E. Ozkok.

    Voici donc de larges extraits de l'interview d'Ayhan Çarkin:

    "Je ne suis pas un mercenaire, je suis un fonctionnaire de l'Etat À l'Est, au Sud-est, dans les combats et les opérations, pour tout cela nous avons tiré. C'était ma mission. C'est ce pays qui m'a élevé. Je suis un produit de cet Etat Ce que l'on a fait au sud-est, ce n'est pas des meurtres. Les conditions sont équilibrées. En face, nous avons des gens qui trahissent le pays Bien sûr, nous aussi, nous avons formé notre propre mécanisme de défense. La République turque nous donné cette autorité. Mais nous n'avons pas réussi à expliquer cela Il ne peut avoir de bande au sein de l'Etat, je ne le crois pas. La vraie bande de malfaiteurs se sont ceux qui ont mis cela dans un rapport les hommes politiques Grâce à ce rapport, toutes les organisations terroristes pourront demander l'asile aux pays européens.

    "Au nom d'une société intègre, il y a des gens qui veulent mettre leur boue sur nous. Je suis fière de toute les services que j'ai accomplis Avant tout le monde, Mehmet Eymur [ndlr : ex-haut responsable de la police politique] aurait dû être également parmi les accusés. Il a dit qu'il connaissait Abdullah Çatli, qu'il savait qu'il était coupable et lorsqu'on lui a demandé s'il ne savait pas que c'était une infraction que de donner des missions à des gens incriminés, il a rétorqué que c'était un secret d'Etat qu'il ne pouvait pas répondre Nous sommes des policiers de la République turque, des policiers de l'Etat L'Etat est unique, les gouvernements sont nombreux Que l'Histoire nous juge.

    " Je n'ai jamais refusé une mission. Cela n'a même pas traversé l'esprit Je m'interroge souvent Oui j'ai tué beaucoup de personnes. C'était ma mission, mon travail. Je n'ai pas hésité une seconde Si j'étais mort que ce serait-il passé ? Aurais-je été acclamé comme héros au lieu de coupable aujourd'hui? Il y a des jours où je n'en pouvais plus. Je me sentais comme un mort. C'était des opérations tellement dures. Nous ne sommes pas descendus des montagnes pendant des mois. Je n'ai pas été un bon mari ni un bon père. Mais j'ai été un très bon policier! L'Etat m'a décerné entre 300 et 350 distinctions. Et même à la porte de la prison, ils m'ont remis un prix Ce que nous avons vécu était au-delà de ce que vous pouvez vous imaginer dans les films.

    "C'est pendant les opérations que je me sens le mieux. Aujourd'hui encore je voudrais retourner sur les montagnes. Je suis une des dix personnes les plus présentes dans les opérations dans ce pays. Attendre de pitié de ma part? Il n'y a rien qui me puisse me rendre plus heureux que de les tuer là-bas. Je les tuerai sans sourciller. Appelez-moi Rambo mais jamais mercenaire Au Sud-est, j'ai ouvert l'oeil et je me suis trouvé dans des combats. À Istanbul, c'était encore pareil : j'y ai participé à plus de 50 affrontements. J'ai été formé pour cela. Le travail que je sais le mieux faire ce sont les opérations.

    "Mais sans ordre supérieur vous ne pouvez rien faire. Finalement, même en étant membre des forces spéciales, tu es fonctionnaire n°657 de l'Etat. Mon directeur était Huseyin Kocadag à Diyarbakir Ibrahim Sahin était mon chef de bureau, je recevais les ordres de lui.

    "Nous sommes le dernier maillon de la chaîne. La chose qui me désole le plus c'est que je sois condamné par une Cour de sûreté de l'Etat. [ndlr: La nouvelle réforme du code pénal turc entreprise par le gouvernement donne compétence au Tribunal correctionnel en matière de banditisme et non plus aux Cours de sûreté de l'Etat. Cette disposition s'était pourtant opposée au veto présidentiel en première lecture]
    "Qui devrais-je dénoncer? Devrais-je dire Mehmet Agar. Il jouit d'une immunité parlementaire, il sera lui aussi jugé, lorsqu'il n'en bénéficiera plus." (CILDEKT, 15 février 2002)

    Recent news about death fasts in Turkey

    § Reports from Kocaeli F-type Prison said that Celal Keles and Erkut Cebeci were not released, despite reports by the Forensic Institute recommending their temporary release because of poor health. Istanbul SSC No. 6 based its decision on a report by the General Directorate for Security stating that released prisoners did not stay at their addresses, continued their actions or went abroad. The court also wanted another institution to examine the prisoners. On the other hand Istanbul SSC No. 3 ordered the release of Muzaffer Acunbay, while Istanbul SSC No. 2 ordered the release of Veysel Çinar, but rejected the same demand for Tamer Tuncer. The Ankara branch of the IHD announced that in Sincan F-type Prison the prisoners Halil Can Dogan, Baris Gönülsen, Necati Gönenç and Yunus Özgür were not released because Ankara Numune Hospital and Ankara Forensic Institute had issued reports on them being well, although they suffered from the Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 1, 2002)

    § State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer pardoned the prisoner Atilla Selçuk, who is suffering from the Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome as a result of the death fast action. The decision was published in the Official Gazette on 2 February. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 3, 2002)

    § Dismissed Human Rights ActivistsŠ The board of the Human Rights Association in Batman that was dismissed on 3 December 2001 started office again. The order of Batman Governorate carried the date of 1 February and stated that the necessities according to Article 45 of the Law on Association had been fulfilled and, therefore, the dismissal had to be reversed. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 3, 2002)

    § On 4 February Eyüp Penal Court No. 3 continued to hear the case of 167 prisoners, 31 of them female, in connection with the operation in the prisons that started on 19 December 2000. 10 women from Bakirköy Prison and two ex-prisoners attended the hearing. The prisoner Birsen Kars read out a joint statement of the female prisoners stating that six of the 27 women in her ward were killed during the operation. However, they were on trial and not the members of the security forces. She said: ³We did not set ourselves on fire. A gas with black color was spread over us and we started to burn like candles.² Defense lawyer Ercan Kanar stated that Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Türk presented block C to the press on 2 February and made statements that might influence the trial. He asked that block C be locked up and demanded that an investigation should be conducted against Mr. Türk. The court rejected the demand to investigate against the Justice Minister, but ordered the closure of block C. The hearing was adjourned to 5 June. On 2 February the Justice Minister had told journalists that the holes of bullets in the ceiling showed that the security forces had shot in the air. He maintained that the prisoners had shot at the officers. Reports by the Forensic Institute however indicated that the shots had been fired from the outside to the inside. (Radikal-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 5, 2002)

    § On 7 February Ankara SSC No. 1 passed its verdict on 20 persons, who had participated in a protest meeting against the F-type prisons. Ali Çelik, Nuray Aslan, Erhan Günes, Kemal Us, Engin Yurdakul, Ipek Hacitalipoglu, Cihangir Arslan, Hasiyin Bozdag, Ulviye Günes, Zeynep Dogan, Özgür Cihan Gül, Gülsema Erdal, Bilge Gündogdu, Evrim Dirican, Müslüm Aydogan, Ethem Akdogan, Ozan Demirok, Özgür Onur and Serpil Sahin were sentenced to 45 months' imprisonment under Article 169 TPC (support of an illegal organization). Defense lawyer Ender Büyükçulha stated that other people, who had participated in the same meeting, had been acquitted by a civilian court, where they had been charged with an offense of the Law 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations. (TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    § State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer pardoned the prisoner Baris Kaya, who had been released due to his poor health after his participation in the death fast action. Baris Kaya had been on trial for membership of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) at Izmir SSC. He had been injured during an operation in Ulucanlar Prison on 26 September 1999 and is now suffering from constant loss of memory. This was the 7th prisoner on hunger strike to be pardoned by the State President. (Milliyet-TIHV, February 12, 2002)

    § From Bayrampasa Prison it was reported that Ramazan Öktülmüs was not released, despite a medical report by the forensic institute that his life was endangered, when he remained in prison. In answering a parliamentarian request by Bliss Party (SP) MP Mehmet Bekaroglu Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Türk claimed that everything was done to terminate the hunger strikes. On 26 December 2000 a total of 1,596 prisoners had been on hunger strike and 432 on death fast, while on 7 January 2002 the number had dropped to 8 prisoners on hunger strike and 142 on death fast. The Minister believed that these figures would drop further. (Evrensel-Radikal-TIHV, February 16-18, 2002)

    § On 13 February relatives of prisoners on hunger strike or death fast actions held a press conference at the offices of the Istanbul branch of the IHD. Erdal Aslan said that his brother Murat Aslan was about to die in Bayrampasa Prison. His family had asked for a temporary release of 6 months. Erdal Aslan added that during a visit he had seen that his brother had been beaten in order to stop his death fast action. His brother Murat Aslan was in a very bad mood, because one of the hunger strikers had died at his side. Dursun Coskun, relative of Celal Coskun, who was transferred to Yesilyurt State Hospital in Izmir because of poor health stated that his brother had not been released, despite a medical report suggesting temporary release. Celal Coskun was on day 202 of his action and did not remember anything, could not speak or walk. Hasan Arslan, whose son Irfan Arslan is also held at Yesilyurt State Hospital, said that the prisoners in this hospital were held in the cellar under very unhealthy conditions. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Human Rights violations in brief

    A Lawyer on Trial

    On 31 January Istanbul Criminal Court No. 5 continued to hear the case of lawyer Cem Alptekin, active in the so-called "16 March massacre" case on charges of having insulted the secret service MIT. On 16 October he had been acquitted, but the 9th Chamber of the Court of Cassation had quashed the verdict on 15 March 2001. The prosecutor argued that the reason to quash the sentence had been that a state security court should have dealt with the charges. He argued, on the other hand, that a trial introduced under Article 159 TPC would fall under the Law 4611 and asked for a suspension of the case. The court followed his arguments. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 1, 2002)

    Complaint against another lawyer

    The main prosecutor at the Court of Cassation has filed an official complaint against the lawyer Abdurrahman Sarioglu. During the hearing of the case of the "Islamic Movement" on 30 January he had stated to be opposed to the secular system, which was not entitled to judge on Muslim. The prosecutor wants the lawyer to be sentenced according to Article 312 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 1, 2002)

    HADEP members on Trial

    The prosecutor at Adana SSC indicted 81 members of the HADEP, 29 under arrest. For 39 defendants he demanded sentences according to Article 168 TPC for "membership of the PKK". The other defendants will be charged under Article 169 TPC with "Supporting the PKK". In Yüksekova district (Van) 8 members of HADEP were detained including Fahri Isik, chairman of the youth wing. The names of the others are Hamit Isik, Halit Çakir, Abdullah Tatli, Aydin Kaya, Fuat Durgun, Zinar Yurtseven and Hüseyin Akdogan. Five of the 12 HADEP members, who had been detained on 27 January, were released. (Cumhuriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 1, 2002)

    Prosecutor on Trial

    The public prosecutor in Adana, Sacit Kayasu, who had indicted Kenan Evren, leader of the military coup of 12 September 1980 with the demand of the death penalty, was now sentenced for "having insulted the High Council of Judges and Prosecutors". On 1 February the Court of Cassation sentenced him to 6 months' and 20 days' imprisonment. The sentence was commuted to a fine of TL 608 million and suspended. (Radikal-TIHV, February 2, 2002)

    The Susurluk Scandal

    The chief prosecutor at the Court of Cassation rejected the demand by 7 defendants from the so-called Susurluk trial to revise the decision by the 8th Chamber of the Court of Cassation confirming their sentences. The other 7 defendants had not asked for a revision of the verdict. The defendants now have no further remedies and might be imprisoned at any time to serve the remaining time of their sentences. (Milliyet-TIHV, February 5, 2002)

    Death Penalty Demanded

    The public prosecutor in Bakirköy has indicted Bahar Karulman and Eralp Erol for the killing of the women Nedret Abdullahoglu in Avcilar (Istanbul). He wants the defendants to be sentenced to death. (Sabah-TIHV, February 5, 2002)

    Trial of KP/IÖ

    On 4 February Istanbul SSC announced its verdict in a trial of 6 people allegedly belonging to the "KP/IÖ" (Communist Party / Establishment Committee). The defendants Mehmet Canpolat, Fikret Yildiz, Atilla Dinçer Tekel, Engin Çakmak and Kenan Taybora (he was released because of poor health as a result of the hunger strike) to death. The death penalties were commuted to life imprisonment. Özcan Erol was sentenced to 12.5 years' imprisonment for membership of the organization. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 5, 2002)

    Trade Unionist Detained

    Teacher Medeni Alpkaya was detained by police officers on 3 February, after he gave a talk at a meeting of the Haber-Sen trade union in Diyarbakir. Medeni Alpkaya is a board member of the teachers' trade union Egitim-Sen. Banners and posters in the meeting hall were removed and the speech by Ali Öncü, spokesperson of the Democracy Platform in Diyarbakir was cut. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 5, 2002)

    Trial of an extrajudiciary execution

    On 5 February Beyoglu Criminal Court No. 1 started to hear the case of 15 police officers charged with the killing of Özkan Tekin in Okmeydani (Istanbul) on 11 December 2000, while he was hanging up posters. None of the defendants had appeared. Speaking for the sub-plaintiffs lawyer Keles Öztürk asked that the defendants be arrested, because there was a danger of evidence being manipulated. Defense lawyer Ekrem Demirer alleged that the pistol of the victim had been found and it had been established that he had shot at the police officers. He asked that Article 49 TPC should be applied. The court adjourned the hearing to 7 May in order to listen to the testimony of the defendants and the witnesses Sükrü Yildiz and Kamil Caneren, who are imprisoned in Kandira F-type Prison. The police had shot at all three and Sükrü Yildiz had been seriously wounded. In this trial the police officers Necati Öcel, Hüseyin Yagmur, Halil Yorulmaz, Kemal Koçer, Kadir Gümes, Celalettin Durmus, Köksal Öztas, Ayhan Mert, Satilmis Karakaya, Mehmet Yabul, Sabri Kahraman, Seyfettin Kara and Nevzat Demirel are charged under Articles 448 and 463 TPC, but Article 49 TPC might also be applied that does not allow for sentences if "the offence was committed on duty or order of a superior". (TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Assassination of Gaffar Okkan

    On 5 February Diyarbakir SSC continued to hear the case of Sahin Ceribasi, charged with the assassination of former Diyarbakir Chief of Police, Gaffar Okkan and 5 police officers. During the hearing Sahin Ceribasi said that he was tortured in police custody. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Ex-MP goes to Prison

    On 5 February Hasan Mezarci, ex-MP for the closed down Welfare Party (RP) went to the public prosecutor in Ipsala (Edirne) to start the execution of the sentence of one year's imprisonment, imposed on him by Ankara Penal Court No. 5 on 19 December 1998 for a letter of to Nelson Mandela congratulating him for having rejected the Atatürk Peace Prize, since Atatürk was one of the well-known dictators of the world. Hasan Mezarci was put in Ipsala Prison.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Trade Unionists Detained

    In Bingöl 8 officials and members of the teachers' trade union Egitim-Sen were detained. Reportedly the detention of Siraz Elçi, Cevdet Çaka, Tarkan Demirkus, Ramazan Sönmez, Mustafa Akgül, Yavuz Karaaslan, Abdullah Akgünsah and another trade unionist Cihan Güres is connected to posters and banners displayed during the 4th Congress of the union. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Death in Custody

    On 7 February Trabzon Criminal Court continued to hear the case of Commissioner Hüseyin Capkin (28) for his responsibility of the death of Asim Ceylan in Trabzon on 20 March 2001. The other defendants Servet Özlü, Birol Ceylan and Çetin Koçkeser are on trial for their involvement in the fight before the death. The hearing was adjourned so that the testimony of Çetin Koçkeser may be taken, who fired in the air during the fight. Asim Ceylan had died in the police car, when he was taken away from the scene of the fight. (-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    The IBDA-C Case

    On 7 Februaray Istanbul SSC announced its verdict in the case of 31 people on trial for membership of the radical Islamic organization IBDA/C. The defendants Ender Toz, Serdar Atas and Mehmet Sahin were sentenced to death according to Article 146/1 TPC. Their sentences were commuted to life imprisonment. Ali Osman Zor, said to be a leading member of the organization, was sentenced to 18 years', 9 months' imprisonment. Samil Igde, Olcay Oguz, Ramazan Göngör, Saban Çavdar, Alaattin Baki Aytemiz, Önder Erdem, Mehmet Fatih Aydin and Mehmet Galis Turan received sentences of 15.5 years' imprisonment for "membership of the organization". The other 19 defendants were sentenced for supporting the organization, but their sentences were suspended. (Milliyet-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    Sentence against Satanists Quashed

    The 1st Chamber of the Court of Cassation quashed the sentences imposed by Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 on Zinnur Gülsah Dinçer, Ömer Çelik and Engin Arslan for the killing of Sehriban Coskunfirat in Ortaköy (Istanbul) as a "sacrifice for the devil". Istanbul Penal Court had sentenced the defendants to 25 years' imprisonment under Article 448 TPC (intentional killing). The Court of Cassation ruled that pargraph 3 and 4 of Article 450 TPC should be applied that provides for the death penalty if the intentional killing is carried with brutality or under torture. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    Compensation to be paid by Activists

    The Minister of the Interior launched to case against 127 people, mostly students from the law faculty of Ankara University, demanding that they should pay the compensation for police officers, who were injured during protest activities. The first case refers to an incident of 4 April 2000, when two police officers, who intervened into a clash between students, were injured. The officers later received compensation of TL 1.2 billion. The Ministry wants 81 students to pay this amount of money and interest. These students are still on trial for an offence of Law No. 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations. The second case refers to the so-called Ulucanlar massacre. On 20 July 2000 the police intervened, when some 80 people wanted to observe the hearing against the prisoners accused of having killed their friends. After that incident 10 police officers were awarded TL 8.1 billion and this money shall not be paid by 46 spectators. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    Lawyer Convicted

    The trial against Ayse Tugluk, one of the defense lawyers for PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan concluded at Adana SSC on 6 February. For a speech during a conference of the Women's Platform in Mersin on 1 February 2000 she had called Abdullah Öcalan "honorable" (an attribute used in the Turkish language as frequent as "dear"). These words were the reason for charges under Article 169 TPC. Adana SSC found her guilty and sentenced her to 45 months' imprisonment. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    Lawyer Beaten

    The lawyer Deniz Dogan from Diyarbakir Bar Association was reportedly beaten, when he opposed a body search at the entrance of a conference. The lawyer wanted to attend the conference on the "future of the trade union movement". He tried to convince the police officers Bahattin Çetindere, responsible for political parties, and Bülent Yavasoglu that lawyers may only be body searched if caught "red-handed", but the officers kicked him and dragged him out of the meeting place. Lawyer Deniz Dogan stated that he had received a medical report certifying the blows and stated that he would file an official complaint. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 9, 2002)

    Torture in Antep

    Metin Acet, reporter of "Yedinci Gündem" in Antep and the distributor Mehmet Isik alleged that they had been beaten in detention. The torture had included rough beatings, hosing with pressurized water, suspension by the arms and electric shocks. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    Prisoners Tortured

    On 5 January the prisoner Hüseyin Cig was taken from Maras Prison to Adana Kürkçüler Prison in order to be medically treated at Adana Balcali Hospital. Reportedly he was tortured in Kürkçüler Prison over four days. Unable to speak and without receiving the necessary treatment he was allegedly held in a single cell. Rabia Sengör, writer for the paper "Firat'ta Yasam", stated that she was kept waiting on her feet, when she came back from an examination to Gebze Prison, forcibly stripped naked and body searched and would file an official complaint against the prison administration. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 8-11, 2002)

    Politicians on Trial

    Charges were brought against Celal Aba, board member of the HADEP in Adana Küçükdikili and Mehmet Yasik, Major for Küçükdikili after they had solved a quarrel between two families. The prosecutor argued that such an act was following the directives of the PKK to "bring peace". On 9 January the offices of HADEP in Adana had been searched and a document was found reporting on the reconciliation of two families on 10 October 2001. On 4 February Celal Aba and Celal Aba testified to Ankara SSC. The judge did not order arrest, but both politicians are facing a trial according to Article 169 TPC for "supporting the PKK". Reportedly Ayse Karadag, Major of Derik (Mardin), who took an active part in the act, was not indicted. (Radikal-TIHV, February 11, 2002)

    Death Penalty Demanded

    On 8 February Istanbul SSC continued to hear the case of 23 defendants (9 of them under arrest), who are charged with membership of the Revolutionary Communists' Union of Turkey (TIKB) and the killing of Nihat Uygun, chairman of the MHP for Kartal district (Istanbul) and Ethem Ekin, public prosecutor in Adana. The hearing was adjourned to 26 April to wait for the testimony of Tamer Tuncer, whose health deteriorated due to the hunger strike and shall testify to Kocaeli Criminal Court. The prosecution has demanded for the death penalty for the defendants Tamer Tuncer, Sevgi Ülkemin Ordu, Mete Tuncer, Ergül Çelik, Nuri Akalin, Kenan Güngör, Sefa Gönültas and Turgay Ulu. According to information provided by lawyer Gülizar Tuncer, the first prosecutor in this trial asked for acquittal for Turgay Ulu, now under arrest since 6 years, but the second prosecutor asked for the death penalty. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 11, 2002)

    Attack on Swisssotel

    On 8 February Istanbul Penal Court No. 1 continued to hear the case of 13 defendants, who had entered the Swissotel (Istanbul) on 22 April 2001 and taken hostages. According to the latest changes in the law on state security courts Istanbul SSC had ruled not be responsible for this case any more. However, Istanbul Penal Court No. 1 also decided not be be responsible to hear this case. It will be sent to the Court of Cassation to make a decision on which court has to hear the trial. In this case Muhammed Emin Tokcan, Emin Tastan, Ali Tokcan, Hayri Kadi, Yüksel Özdemir, Yalçin Sahin, Bahri Demir, Atilla Kivik, Bünyamin Kivik, Hayati Ak, Mehmet Yapici, Serdal Seferoglu and Ramazan Karabulut are on trial. (Milliyet-TIHV, February 9, 2002)

    Teachers on Trial

    On 8 February Üsküdar Penal Court No. 1 continued to hear the case of 440 teachers, who had participated in the one-day-stop-working action on 1 December 2000. 53 teachers from various schools attended the hearing. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 9, 2002)

    Human Rights Week on Trial

    On 8 February Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 started to hear the case of 31 students and Atilla Bahcivan, board members of the Freedom and Solidarity Party (ÖDP) in Istanbul. The defendants are charged with insulting the Republic in a press statement that was made on 10 December 2001 in connection with human rights week. Atilla Bahcivan stated that after the press statement the police took two separate notes and one of them had been directed against 32 students on allegations of staging an illegal demonstration. The correspondent trial was continuing at Istanbul Penal Court No. 10. He had been included in this trial, because the notes on the demonstrators had only carried 31 names and he had been on top of the list on party officials, named in a separate note. Therefore, he had been included in this trial. Defendant Basak Uluocak and Zeynep Ceren Özer stated that one photograph, introduced as evidence, had been taken during an action of 1 December. The hearing was adjourned to 3 May. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 9, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    On 8 February Ercan Topal, Ismail Soysal and Vahit Çoker, who had been detained in Menemen (Izmir) as alleged members of the PKK, were arrested. Ali Aydemir, Mehmet Resit Aydemir, Vedat Disli, Nihat Kodas and E.Ç. were released. On 9 February Mehmet Yilmaz, chairman of the teachers' union Egitim-Sen in Halfet district (Urfa) and the board members Ferhat Sayin and Aynur Sayin were detained, when they wanted to put up an information board of the trade union, which the governor had ordered to be removed. On 7 February the police in Istanbul raided three houses in Bagcilar quarter and detained 10 people as alleged members of the radical Islamic organization "Anatolian Federal Islamic State". Later Ismet Demir, Ahmet Bayoglu and Bülent Kaplan were arrested as "members of an illegal organization" and Seref Alçik and Mehmet Nacak as "supporters". On 8 December Istanbul SSC ordered the arrest of Orhan Kop, who had been detained as the alleged responsible of the PKK for Romania. During house raids in Van on 9 February the HADEP members and officials Zennur Kizilkaya, Tekin Çakirgöz, Celil Aslan and Kevser Aslan were detained. On 9 February Ibrahim Yakut, board member of HADEP in Adana was arrested by Adana SSC. Among the suspects, who had been detained in Elazig on 9 February, Mehmet Meki Kurt was arrested on 10 February. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 9-10-11, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    On 9 February Sultan Ogras, her husband Sabri Ogras, Major of Nusaybin, their children Necat Ogras, Nursen Ogras, Vildan Ogras and the visitor Farasin Aydin were detained in Nusaybin (Mardin). Sabri Ogras was arrested on 10 February on charges of "supporting the PKK". The other detainees were released. She had participated in a live show on Medya TV. The family's son Serdar Ogras was detained on 3 July 1995 and killed by members of special forces during a search in their house on 4 July 1995. Their daughter Sibel Ogras was killed on 5 November 1997 together with another two persons during a house raid in Nusaybin. On 10 February the police raided several houses in Nusaybin (Mardin) and detained Adnan Agirman, Hüseyin Pekbay, Mehmet Atay, Faris Aslan, Süleyman Aslan, Züleyha Ates and Mehmet Ates. In Istanbul Yahya Ergin, who had been convicted as an alleged member of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLKP), was detained.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 12, 2002)

    Death Penalty

    The Panel of Chamber at the Court of Cassation accepted the objection of the chief prosecutor against the decision by the 9th Chamber of the Court of Cassation to quash the death penalty against Salih Izzet Erdis, the leader of the radical Islamic organization IBDA/C. The 9th Chamber will have to deal with the case in principle and not just on formal grounds such as the identity not being clearly written or minutes of the hearings not being sealed. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Hezbollah Trial

    On 12 February Diyarbakir SSC No. 3 continued to hear the case of Mehmet Fidanci, one of the alleged triggerers of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah. The defendant asked for transfer to another prison and rejected the charges of being involved in the assassination of ex-Chief of Diyarbakir Police, Gaffar Okkan. The court ordered a medical examination in order to establish whether the defendant had been tortured and adjourned the hearing to a later date. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Teacher Convicted

    On 12 January Istanbul SSC No. 1 passed its verdict on the teacher Osman Temiz and the student Ahmet Fatih Yavuz on charges of membership of the radical Islamic organization IBDA/C. The student had been accused after a self-made bomb exploded in his house in Fatih (Istanbul). The teacher was sentenced to 12.5 years' imprisonment and the student benefitted from the Repentance Law without a punishment. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    In Istanbul the brothers Cem Firat and Serhat Halis, sons of former HADEP executive Serafettin Halis, were detained on 11 February at 9pm. Later the police raided the house of Serafettin Halis, who stated that his sons were held at Istanbul Police HQ. in Vatan Caddesi. In Çilimli district (Düzce), 10 people including the imam Ismet Kardüz were detained, when the gendarmerie found them during prayers of a sect. The sect is called "Bolulu Ahmet Hoca". The headquarters of the youth wing of the HADEP announced that during the last 2 months 59 of their executives and members had been arrested among more than 200 members, who had been detained. Many of the detentions in Adana, Mersin, Hakkari, Izmir, Antep, Erzurum, Çanakkale and Van had been conducted in connection with the campaign for education in Kurdish. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Torture in Istanbul

    Orhan Kop, who had been taken to Istanbul as the alleged "PKK representative for Romania" spoke to his lawyer Eren Keskin in Bayrampasa Special Type Prison. He told her that he was given electric shocks and beaten at the department to fight terrorism in Istanbul Police HQ. Although he complained to the physician, who examined him after custody, he had not been treated and still had complaints at his feet, legs, on the back and his arms. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Death Penalties Confirmed

    The 9th Chamber of the Court of Cassation approved the death penalties for Adem Kepeneklioglu, Turan Tarakçi and Mehmet Hakan Canpolat. On 3 April 1998 Istanbul SSC No. 1 had found them guilty of killing Adil Özbek and Ömer Demirbag in the name of the Turkish Revolutionary Communists Union (TIKB). (Milliyet-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Trial of War Resisters

    On 13 February Kadiköy Penal Court No. 5 continued to hear the case of 46 defendants, who had participated in a press conference on Altiyol Square (Kadiköy-Istanbul) on 14 October 2001, protesting against the US intervention in Afghanistan. The hearing was adjourned to 17 April for more defendants to testify. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Workers beaten and detained

    On 13 February Birol Bozkurt, Yilmaz Togan and Alim Ayyildiz, who had been dismissed by the transport company "Aktif" for being members of the trade union TÜMTIS, were beaten by the company owner and his men and later detained by the police. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    In Nusaybin 7 of 10 people, who had been detained during raids on their houses on 10 and 11 February, were arrested on charges of "supporting the PKK". Züleyha Ates, Mehmet Ates and Kamil Aslan were released, but Adnan Agirman, Hüseyin Pekbay, Mehmet Atay, Faris Aslan, Süleyman Aslan, Nadir Tuman and Vahap Adanir were arrested. In Istanbul Cem Firat Halis, who had been detained in Bahçelievler while being in possession of "illegal publications", was arrested on charges of supporting the PKK. He had signed a petition on education in Kurdish. Serhat Halis was released. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Death Penalties

    On 14 February Ankara SSC No. 1 passed the verdict in the trial concerning the bomb attack on Usak Governor Ayhan Çevik, at the time governor of Çankiri. In their final words the defendants and their lawyers pleaded not guilty and asked for acquittal. However, presiding judge announced the verdict by saying that the defendants Kemal Ertürk, Küçük Hasan Çoban, Kemal Kaygisiz and Mesut Deniz had been sentenced to death according to Article 146/1 TPC for the "violent attempt to overthrow the constitutional order". He added that there was no reason for extenuating circumstances as described in Article 59 TPC. The defendants Lale Açik, Nihat Konak, Hakan Eren and Savas Kör were sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment, while the case against Muharrem Horoz, who died as a result of the hunger strikes, was dropped. The sentences for the defendants Sener Kökten, Erkan Balçik, Devrim Karacan, Bülent Ertürk, Özgür Deniz Demirdis, Arap Deniz, Bilal Ekin, Halil Köseoglu, Cemile Sönmez, Serdal Çitil, Murat Yilmaz, Sevinç Güden, Selahattin Yurdaer, Murat Demirdis, Turan Açik, Ömer Necmi Hatipoglu, Aziz Batur, Cafer Kaya Bozkurt, Metin Sezgin and Eren Karacan were suspended according to the Law on Conditional Release and Suspension of Sentences. During the attack on Ayhan Çevik on 5 March 1999 the body guard Nurettin Cinsoy, the students Fatma Dönmez and Emrah Ersoy and the worker Alpay Evirgen had lost their lives. (TIHV, February 15, 2002)

    Trade Unionists on Trial

    On 14 February the 9th Chamber of the Court of Cassation dealt with the verdict against Tekin Yildiz, chairman of the trade union of staff in the judiciary (Tüm Yargi-Sen) and another 15 officials (Necdet Bekçi, Edip Binbir, Dursun Öztürk, Yildiz Çakmak, Hürriyet Pinar, Kutluay Öztürk, Ahmet Tanboga, Bekir Akkaya, Figen Öner, Fatma Akkus, Incehan Çaglayan, Erol Çavus, Kamur Emir, Nano Kaya and Ali Yücel Sahin) of the union. Ankara SSC had convicted them under Article 169 TPC for their attitude against the F-type prisons and sentenced them to 45 months' imprisonment. The chief prosecutor at the Court of Cassation stated that the defendants had conducted unionist activities and the court had not discussed which organization they allegedly supported. He demanded acquittal for the defendants. The court adjourned the case to announce its verdict on 13 March. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 15, 2002)

    Detentions and arrests

    In Istanbul Nuri Özbudak, Serdal Dayanik, Semih Selman Marangozoglu and Arkan Seyhan were detained. They are reportedly wanted in connection with a trial against Adnan Oktar and his religious followers. The trial against a total of 36 defendants continues at Istanbul SSC No. 1. In Hakkari the executives of the HADEP, Metin Tekçe, Süleyman Ertus, Selim Engin, Recep Aktas, Bedirhan Koç and Hatice Demir went to the prosecutor's office on 13 February to testify in connection with a search of HADEP's offices in January, during which leaflets of the PKK and a contest in Kurdish had allegedly been found. The suspects were arrested after testifying. Apparently HADEP chairman for the province, Selahattin Sivagci and the officials Aysel Selçuk and Cemil Akis are wanted in connection with this case. In Iskenderun Emel Gültekin, reporter of the journal "Alinteri", who had been detained on 12 February, was arrested on 13 February. In Istanbul the cartoonist Dogan Güzel, who had been detained at the airport in 11 February, was released on 12 February. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 15, 2002)

    Torture in Anamur

    Hüseyin Akin and Özkan Poçulu, who were detained in Anamur district (Mersin) on 10 February on suspicion of theft, alleged that they were tortured in detention. They filed an official complaint with the public prosecutor in Anamur and presented medical reports from the state hospital certifying "edema and trauma at the soles of the feet" and inability to work for two days. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 16, 2002)

    Politician Threatened

    Orhan Tunç, member of parliament in Diyadin district (Agri) for the HADEP, alleged that he was threatened by Governor Rahmi Köse, because he had given his son the Kurdish name of "Heval". The governor had called by phone, insulted him as perfidious and threatened that he would play with his life. When he reminded the governor to correct his speech he had sworn even worse. Orhan Tunç filed an official complaint with the public prosecutor of Diyadin on 11 February. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 15, 2002)

    Disabled Arrested

    The political prisoner Hüseyin Yildirim was arrested in July 2001, despite the fact that he is paralyzed from his waist downward due to a traffic accident. Oral Çalislar reported in his column "Point Zero" in the daily "Cumhuriyet" of 16 February that Hüseyin Yildirim had been interrogated after detention and later had to be taken to a bed. He had been arrested and taken to Tekirdag F-type Prison. He had been taken to the sickroom and later into a cell for 3 persons, because he was not able to relieve himself on his own. Later Tekirdag State Hospital had issued a report stating that the prisoner needed special care. A similar report had been issued by the 3rd Expertise Council of the Forensic Institute on 14 January certifying that the person was not able to lead a life under prison conditions and should be released for one year according to Article 399 of the Criminal Procedure Code (TCPC). However, Istanbul SSC had rejected the demand of release. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 16, 2002)

    Investigation against Pupils and Teachers

    The Ministry for National Education has initiated an investigation against 20 children and 40 teachers in connection with a competition on drawing and writing organized by the Diyarbakir branch of the IHD in connection with human rights week between 10 and 17 December. Children between the age of 7 and 12 had handed in some 150 drawings and 140 compositions and on 15 December 2001 the first 10 of both writing and drawing had been awarded during a ceremony organized by Diyarbakir Municipality. On 1 February the Ministry for National Education launched an investigation against these children and 40 teachers. The state secretaries could not interview 4 pupils, because there were younger than 8 years old. The other pupils were asked who persuaded them to participate in the competition, how they forwarded their drawings and writings and whether they participated in the ceremony. They also wanted to know whether Kurdish was spoken during the ceremony. The teachers were asked whether they stimulated the pupils to participate and whether they collected the works to be handed over jointly. (Radikal-TIHV, February 18, 2002)

    Hezbollah Trial

    On 15 February Diyarbakir SSC continued to hear the case of Haci Bayancik and Mehmet Veysi Özel (alleged leaders of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah) and the alleged members Aydin Dagli, Remzi Kaçar and Fadil Sani Aydin Dagli testified to the effect that he had stayed in a flat in Mardin belonging to the organization, but had no knowledge of the organization and its activities. In this trial the death penalty is being sought for the defendants Haci Bayancik, Mehmet Veysi Özel, Aydin Dagli and Remzi Kaçar according to Article 146 TPC. The defendant Fadil Sani has to expect a sentence of imprisonment. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Death Penalties Demanded

    The public prosecutor in Bursa launched a case with the demand of the death penalty against Adem Güney, Figen Yildirim and Sahin Korkmaz (on the run) for killing Lütfullah Ahmet Erdin, Efkan Açici and Bülent Kepçeli on 31 January. (Milliyet-TIHV, February 18, 2002)

    Trial against IHD

    On 19 February Ankara SSC continued to hear the case against the Ankara branch of the IHD with the demand of closure and sentences for officials for "supporting illegal organizations". The hearing was adjourned to 12 March for the completion of the files. For the protests against the F-type prisons the former chairman Lütfi Demirkapi and the board members Ilhami Yaban, Ismail Boyraz, Erol Direkçi, Mesut Çetiner, Zeki Irmak, Riza Resat Çetinbas, as well as members of the prison commission Ali Riza Bektas, Selim Necati Ort, Saniye Simsek, Ekrem Erdin, Gökçe Otlu and Emrah Serhan Soysal are charged under Article 169 TPC. The prosecutor has also asked for closure of the branch according to Article 7/4 of the Law on Fighting Terrorism. (TIHV, February 19, 2002)

    Soldiers on Trial

    The trial against the commander of the gendarmerie station in Kurtlapa (Sivas), Sezgin Civelek on charges of rape of the young woman Sehriban Sahin concluded at Sivas Criminal Court No. 1 on 18 February. The officer was sentenced to 8 years', 9 months' imprisonment according to Article 417 and 418 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 19, 2002)

    Case against ex-MP

    The public prosecutor in Istanbul launched a case against former MP for the Virtue Party (FP), Merve Kavakci, on charges of insulting the Republic, Parliament and the State. On 26 November 2001 Mrs Kavakci had appeared in a program by El Cezire TV in Qatar from a studio in the USA. Merve Kavakci, who appeared in parliament with a headscarf, had been deprived of her Turkish citizenship, when it was discovered that she was (also) a US citizen. She regained her Turkish citizenship by getting married to a Turkish national, but is living in the USA. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 19, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    On 16 February seven people were detained in Istanbul on allegations of trying to found a religious State of "Rashid Khalif". On 18 February the suspects Sitki Gündogdu, Erhan Yücel, Fatih Atmaca, Ömer Kaya and Köksal Sahin were arrested by Istanbul SSC on charges of membership of an illegal organization, while Mehmet Akarsu and Yüksel Sahin were released by the prosecutor. Dervis Orhan was detained near Eskiköy village (Uzunköprü-Edirne), when he reportedly tried to escape to Greece. He is said to have been released temporarily on 30 October 2001 according to Article 399 of the criminal procedure code (TCPC) because of poor health as a result of his death fast action. In Varto district (Mus) the HADEP members Hasan Özdemir, Sefik Yildirim, Ferit Altinkaya, Hüsnü Korkmaz, Samet Yakti, Gürkan Asik and Sadik Demir, who had been detained earlier, were arrested on 18 February. (Hürriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 19, 2002)

    Mine Explosions

    In Çukurca district (Hakkari) children playing behind the prison found a hand grenade and started to play with it in their own quarter. When the bomb exploded Cüneyt Keskin (9) and his cousin Ayhan Keskin (11) died. Imdat Sen (9) was seriously wounded and taken to a hospital. In Cizre (Sirnak) Ahmet Bakis died, when he tried to open a rocket bullet. Ahmet Atabay, Jiyan Biçer and Fatma Biçer were wounded and taken to Cizre State Hospital. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 19, 2002)

    Eren Keskin on Trial

    The prosecutor at Istanbul SSC had indicted lawyer Eren Keskin, chairwoman of the Istanbul branch of the IHD, in connection with a conference on 25 November 2001 on "Violence against Women". According to the indictment Mrs Keskin said: "A woman imprisoned in the Kurdistan region has no chance of announcing that she was sexually assaulted. The statistics for Mardin and Midyat show that during the war in Kurdistan police officers, gendarmes and village guards are leading in cases of rape." For these words the prosecutor wants her to be convicted for "separatist propaganda". Eren Keskin stated that the hearing will start at Istanbul SSC No. 1 on 11 April. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 20, 2002)

    Bomb Explosion

    On 19 February the child Firat Sengil (8) died, when he took a bullet to his home in Silopi (Sirnak). Yilmaz Sengil, Fehmi Sengil, Kiymet Sengil, Pakize Sengil, Muhammed Sengil, Saliha Sengil and Zeki Sengil were injured. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 20, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    From Van the detention of Mustafa Hasan (25), Firas Süleyman (24) and Ahmet Mahmud Ortadogu, two of them Palestinians and one from Jordan, said to belong to an organization called "Beyyiat al Imam" (Union of Preachers) based in the Middle East, was reported. The police claimed that these people had been educated in camps of the Taliban in Afghanistan. The detention happened already on 15 February. In Istanbul another 6 people were reportedly detained on suspicion of having issued false passport for the 3 foreigners. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 20, 2002)

    Massacre in Prison

    The Court of Cassation rejected the demand to combine two trials in connection with the events in Ankara Closed Prison on 26 September 1999, during which 10 prisoners died. Later one trial was initiated at Ankara Criminal Court No. 5 against 85 prisoners and another trial was launched against the security personnel at Ankara Criminal Court No. 6. The decision against the combination of both trials was announced during the hearing at Ankara Criminal Court No. 6. In this trial 161 members of the security forces including the officers Ali Öz, Zahit Engin, Muhittin Ates and Nevfel Denizyilmaz are on trial. The court rejected the demand by sub-plaintiff lawyer Zeki Rüzgar, not to follow the directives of the Court of Cassation and to combine both trials and adjourned the hearing to 24 April. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Trial in Bingöl

    On 20 February Bingöl Judicial Court heard the case of Ridvan Kizgin, chairman of the IHD in Bingöl, Fevzi Akbulut, secretary of the IHD in Bingöl, Hadin Korkutata, deputy chairman of HADEP in Bingöl, Yasar Yurtsever, secretary of HADEP in Bingöl, Pasa Kiliç, HADEP board member, Saadet Gündogdu, chairwoman of the women's wing of HADEP in Bingöl, Niyazi Azak, official of DEHAP and Kasim Elçi, spokesperson for the democracy platform. They had been among 73 people detained on 25 January, when they demonstrated in favor of Serdar Tanis and Ebubekir Deniz, who had "disappeared" one year ago. The court ordered the continuation of pre-trial detention and adjourned the hearing to a later date. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Demonstration Prevented

    In Istanbul 16 people, including Eren Keskin, chairwoman of the Istanbul branch of the IHD, were detained on 20 February, when they wanted to protest against the F-type prisons in the Mehmet Akif Ersoy Park. The demonstration was planned in support of the initiative of bar associations proposing the opening of 3 doors with 3 prisoners each during the day. The names of the other detainees are Gülseren Yoleri, Kivanç Sert, Ümit Efe, Suzan Zezgin, Ali Armutlu, Gülnaz Koç, Huri Vayiç, Nurcan Sonuç, Zahide Honca, Resit Salis, Nimet Aslan, Düzgün Akyol, Musa Kiliç, Ismail Karagöz and Birsen Gülünay. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Police Officer Arrested

    In Istanbul Nihat Yildiz, one of two police officers accused of having raped Natalia Öztürk, when she asked for an address, was arrested on 22 February. (Milliyet-TIHV, February 23, 2002)

    The Susurluk Scandal

    On 21 February Ibrahim Sahin, deputy chief of the department for special actions in the General Directorate for Security, started to serve his sentence of 6 years' imprisonment, which he had received in the so-called Susurluk case for having established a gang with the aim to commit a crime. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 22, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    The prosecutor at Istanbul SSC has indicted 10 people for membership and support of an organization for "an Anatolian Federal Islamic State". The prosecutor wants Ismet Demir, Ahmet Bayoglu and Bülent Kaplan, who had been detained during operations on 7 February, to be convicted as "members", while Seref Alçik, Mehmet Nacak (in pre-trial detention), Kabil Arslan, Idris Dinçer, Ertan Dogan, Ahmet Yagli and Selahattin Karakaya might be convicted of "support" for the organization. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 22, 2002)

    Suspect of Bahçelievler Massacre Apprehended

    Mahmut Korkmaz, one of the suspect for the so-called Bahçelievler massacre, during which seven students, members of the Turkish Workers' Party (TIP) were killed on 8 October 1978, was apprehended in Refahiye district (Erzincan). Another suspect, Kadri Kürsat Poyraz, is still "on the run". On 26 February, Ankara Criminal Court No. 3 was informed of the detention during a routine traffic control. The court ordered his arrest and he was put in Erzincan Prison. Mahmut Korkmaz had been arrested in 1986 and was later sentenced to 15 years imprisonment. The Court of Cassation quashed the verdict. In the retrial Mahmut Korkmaz was sentenced to 105 years' imprisonment (15 years for each killing). This verdict, too, was quashed by the Court of Cassation. In 1991 Mahmut Korkmaz was released according to the Law on Conditional Release of March 1991. Mahmut Korkmaz is facing the death penalty. Ankara Criminal Court No. 3 sentenced his co-defendants Haluk Kirci, Bünyamin Adanali and Ünal Osmanagaoglu seven times to death and these sentences were confirmed by the Court of Cassation. All three are still in prison. Some defendants, tried at Ankara Military Court No. 1, were acquitted. In the reasoned verdict of Ankara Criminal Court No. 3 Mahmut Korkmaz, at the time deputy chairman of the Association of Idealist Youth in Ankara with responsibilities for the Bahçelievler/Emek area, is shown as having participated in the action, during which the hands of the students were tied on their backs, they were strangled and shot to death and two of them were placed at the road to Eskisehir with shots to their heads. (Radikal-TIHV, February 27, 2002)

    MHP follower on Trial

    On 26 February, Kadiköy Criminal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of Ihsan Bal, chairman of the Idealists' Union in Küçükbakkalköy (Istanbul) on charges of murdering Hüseyin Duman, member of the Socialist Power Party (SIP) on 17 April 1999. The hearing was adjourned to a later date in expectation of the verdict. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 27, 2002)

    Students Dismissed

    In Izmir 27 students from the 9 Eylül University, who participated in a protest against the Council and the Law on Higher Education (YÖK) on 6 November 2001, were dismissed from university for 6 months. The students will appeal against this decision. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 27, 2002)

    Prisoner Beaten

    In an announcement the Platform for Democratic Struggle stated that Habib Akkaya, who had been arrested by Istanbul SSC on 18 February, was beaten by 15 guardians after his mother visited him in Bayrampasa Prison. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Attack on Istanbul IHD

    On 27 February Beyoglu Penal Court No. 12 continued to hear the case of Zeki Genç for his armed attack on the Istanbul branch of the IHD. The defendant testified to the effect that he had come to the IHD to speak to the chair Eren Keskin, whom he believed to be a man, and that he wanted to give him(her) a Turkish flag. Being reminded of earlier testimonies the defendant later pleaded guilty. During the hearing Gülseren Yoleri, Ümit Efe and Dogan Genç testified as witnesses. They had been threatened by the attacker with a pistol. Kadriye Dogru, lawyer of the IHD, demanded that the case be heard at a criminal court, but the judge adjourned the hearing to 27 March to listen to further witnesses. The defendant Genç is charged with "armed threat", "deprivation of liberty" and "armed actions". His co-defendants Bülent Sat and Turgay Araz have to expect sentences of six months' to 1 year's imprisonment for providing the arms for him. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Death in Custody

    On 27 February Izmir Criminal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of 10 police officers in connection with the death in custody of Alpaslan Yelden on 15 July 1999. The defence claimed that the death was caused by an epileptic attack. The family in return provided a report by the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) stating that outward interference caused the death. The head of the victim had shown three wounds. The court decided to send the file to the Forensic Institute and adjourned the hearing to 22 May. In this trial the police officers Ibrahim Peker, Tarkan Gündogdu, Hakan Ergüden, Muharrem Çetinkaya, Ali Aykol, Hikmet Kudu, Yusuf Oyan, Ugur Kocal and Nevzat Sagoglu are charged with "having caused the death by torture" and might receive sentences of up to 15 years' imprisonment, while commissioner Cemil Bulut is facing a sentence of between 3 months' and 1 year's imprisonment for "misconduct of duty". (TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Torture Trial

    On 26 February the trial against 21 police officers charged with beating the students Ilhan Türk and Sahabettin Arpaci in the police bus after a demonstration on 15 January 1999 concluded at Ankara Penal Court No. 23. The students identified the police officer Coskun Hasan Evim, who participated in the hearing for the first time. The court convicted him, but suspended the sentence for five years. 20 police officers were acquitted. (TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    The "Egyptian Bazaar" Case

    On 27 February Istanbul SSC continued to hear the case of 15 defendants in connection with an explosion in the "Egyptian Bazaar" on 9 July 1998 that resulted in the death of 7 and injuries of 120 people. The report from the forensics stated that the reason for the explosion could not been established clearly. Confessing defendants Alaattin Öget claimed that Pinar Selek and the other defendants planted the bomb as members of the PKK. The prosecutor demanded that another expertise report should be prepared by the Middle East Technical University, the Machine Chemistry Institute and the Laboratory of the Gendarmerie. Subsequently the court ordered the release of the defendants Baran Öztürk and Delibas Arat. In this trial the death penalty is demanded for the defendants Pinar Selek, Abdülmecit Öztürk (under arrest), Alaattin Öget (under arrest), Isa Kaya (under arrest) and Kübra Sevgi (under arrest) according to Article 125 TPC. For the defendants Baran Öztürk, Hreview Öztürk (under arrest), Ercan Alir, Masallah Yagin (under arrest), Delibas Arat, Menderes Öget, Erkan Öget, Hasan Kiliçdogan, Alican Öget and Suat Kaya the prosecutor has demanded sentences of between 3 and 31 years' imprisonment. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Mayor Acquitted

    On 27 February Diyarbakir SSC heard the case of Cezayir Serin, Mayor of Sur Municipality (Diyarbakir). He was charged under Article 8/1 of the Law to Fight Terrorism (separatist propaganda) for an interview he gave to the French newspaper "Nord Littoral". In the interview he allegedly said that "the important thing for Kurds is that they rule their towns themselves" and "I'm also worried that 30% of the income in Kurdistan is taken to other places...". Cezayir Serin testified to the effect that he had not used the words of the article and also had sent a correction to the newspaper. The court acquitted the defendant because of lack of evidence. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Detention and Arrests

    On 26 February the Iranian authorities handed over the alleged members of the Al Kaide organization Coskun Ayyildiz, Mehmet Polat and Ahmet Kaya to the Turkish authorities. They were wanted by the police in Antep as members of the illegal organization "Selefiler". In Istanbul the alleged members of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C), Suat Yaman, Hakan Gülen and Harun Kurtulus were detained. On 27 February Yaman and Gülen were arrested by Istanbul SSC. The other defendant was released. In Izmir Raize Idil was detained as an alleged member of the PKK. The theological lyceums in Sultanbeyli, Kadiköy, Kartal, Beykoz, Güngören and Bakirköy (Istanbul) reportedly continue to prevent students with headscarves to join the lessons. On 27 February parents discussed with the security forces in front of Kazim Karabekir Theological Lyceum. Reportedly a pregnant woman was beaten and 3 parents were detained. In front of Güngören Theological Lyceum Ibrahim Acar, reporter of the daily "Vakit" was detained. In Hakkari Sebahattin Sivaci, chairman of the HADEP for the province, and the board members Cemil Akkus and Aysel Selçuk were arrested on 27 February on charges of "supporting the PKK". (Evrensel-Hürriyet-Yeni Safak-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    MGK meeting

    On 27 February the National Security Council (MGK) held a meeting under the chair of State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer. The military wing suggested that education in Kurdish should be evaluated as a threat to national unity. Concerning the death penalty the armed forces would not interfere in the debate, since they were a "party" to the problem, but abolition of the death penalty should be adjourned to a later date. The MGK also suggested an extension of the state of emergency in Diyarbakir, Hakkari, Sirnak and Tunceli provinces for another four months starting on 30 March. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Death Penalty

    On 28 February Diyarbakir SSC No. 4 passed a verdict on Serdar Güzelçay, who allegedly participated in the killing of 7 soldiers and two civilians in the name of the PKK. He was sentenced to death. (Evrensel-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Workers Detained

    During protest against dismissals of workers at the shipyard Yonca in Tuzla (Istanbul) the trade unionists Kazim Bakis, Hakki Demiral and 7 workers were detained on 27 February. 25 workers, who participated in the protest, were dismissed on 28 February. (Evrensel-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Action for Headscarves

    On 28 February the police detained 7 people, 5 of them parents in front of Güngören Anadolu Theological Lyceum, when they protested against the fact that students with headscarves were not allowed to enter the classrooms. Further detentions were reported from Sultanbeyli Theological Lyceum. The director Zeki Mutallioglu, his deputy Mustafa Çendik and the teacher Hüseyin Ceylan and Ali Saglam from Kadiköy Theological Lyceum were dismissed. Zuhal Kaya, who sent facsimiles to the press in the name of the association for free thought and right for education (Özgür-Der), was detained on 28 February. (Zaman-Yeni Safak-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    On 27 February the police in Diyarbakir raided several houses and detained HADEP official and members Elif Tokay, Gülsüm Özsubasi, Muzaffer Pehlivan, Cemal Bagir, Aycan Aslan and Muammer Aslan, who allegedly participated in protest activities on 15 February, the anniversary of the arrest of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    The Susurluk Scandal

    The defendants in the so-called Susurluk case lost their status as civil servant. The Ministry for the Interior based the decision on Articles 48 and 98 of Law No. 657 on Civil Servants. Involved are Ibrahim Sahin, deputy chief of the department for special action, the police officers Ayhan Akça, Ziya Bandirmalioglu, Ayhan Çarkin, Ercan Ersoy, Enver Ulu, Mustafa Altunok and Oguz Yorulmaz. However, Ibrahim Sahin started to be a pensioner on 19 February, before he started to serve his sentence. He will get the salary in the future. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Hezbollah Trial

    On 28 February Diyarbakir SSC No. 3 continued to hear the case of 20 alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, including the alleged leaders Cemal Tutar and Edip Gümüs. Defendant Mehmet Veysi Özen, being held responsible for the kidnapping of writer Gonca Kuris, rejected the charges stating that he had been held in detention for 43 days. His lawyer stated that his client was being accused with actions in Adana and Tarsus and, therefore, decree 430 (prolonged detention in the region under a state of emergency) could not be applied. Defendant Musa Özer, said to have killed Mehmet Sincar (MP for DEP) in 1993 and also held responsible for other killings in Batman and Diyarbakir also rejected the charges. The court adjourned the hearing to 9 May. In this trial death penalties are being sought for 18 defendants, while two defendants have to expect sentences according to Article 168/2 TPC. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA

    Number of writers before the courts mounts

    The numbers of writers and journalists currently on trial or facing court hearings in the near future has reached worrying levels in Turkey. At the same time, proposed constitutional amendments which, it was hoped, would improve the status of free expression in Turkey, appear instead to recommend the extension of the scope of the courts to penalise those who criticise the Turkish state or its institutions.

    International PEN has in its records over seventy people facing judicial proceedings solely for their writings. Although many of them are not yet in prison and for the vast majority the likely outcome is a non-custodial sentence, such as a suspended prison term or fines, the effect of such wide scale judicial action on the right of free expression in Turkey is extremely worrying.

    Even the works of the most eminent and internationally renowned authors are not exempt from prosecution. On 13 February 2002, American author Noam Chomsky will be present at the State Security Court in Istanbul to support Fatih Tas, editor of the Aram Publishing House, who is on trial for publishing Chomsky's "American Interventionism". Tas is accused of having contravened Article 8 of the Turkish Anti-Terror Law for "separatist propaganda".

    The following day, 14 February, commentator Burak Bekdil faces the second hearing of a case against him for a satirical article ridiculing the Turkish judicial system. He is charged under Article 159 of the Turkish Penal Code ("insult to the state and its institutions") and faces up to six years in prison.

    In January, Ömer Asan, author of the acclaimed linguistic and cultural study "Pontus Kültürü" ("The Culture of the Pontus"), was brought before the State Security Court along with his publisher to hear charges of "separatist propaganda". This followed a television interview in which Asan was accused of being a "traitor" for the findings published in his book. The first trial hearing date is yet to be set.

    Another eminent writer, Kurdish author and member of International PEN Mehmed Uzun, usually resident in Sweden, is, alongside his publisher Hassan Öztoprak, on trial following the 3 October 2001 seizure of Uzun's book "To Create a Language", in which Uzun comments on Kurdish literature and language. Both are facing charges of "promoted separatism" under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law.

    These are just some of the most prominent and recent cases being heard before the Turkish courts. They are indicative of the type of problems faced today by writers in Turkey. This is despite the Turkish government's efforts to improve relations with the European Union (EU), which it wishes to join. In an effort to meet the requirements of EU entry, the Turkish government has undertaken a commitment to improve its human rights record. Yet free expression organisations were alarmed that proposed constitutional amendments, revealed on 24 January, actually increase the number of penalties for "press crimes" (see IFEX alert of 6 February 2002). Among others, these amendments are said to include widening the interpretation of "insult" to cover the vaguely defined "a segment of the population" and providing for new penalties for insulting "Turkishness". These amendments have caused controversy within Turkey and are likely to face strong opposition nationally and abroad.

    International PEN is alarmed by the continuing use of the Anti-Terror Law and criminal libel laws to penalise writings that are critical of the Turkish institutions and commentaries on Kurdish and other minority issues. The organisation calls for an end to trials against writers whose only "crime" is to comment on controversial issues. It further calls for a review of all legislation that contravenes the right to freedom of expression as guaranteed by international instruments, notably Article 19 of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights, and Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights.(WiPC/IFEX, February 12, 2002)

    WAN asks that charges against publisher be dropped

    In an 11 February 2002 letter to Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, WAN and the World Editors Forum expressed their serious concern at the prosecution of publisher and editor Fatih Tas.

    According to reports, Tas, owner and editor of the Istanbul-based Aram Publishing Company, is due to appear in court on 13 February on charges of publishing "propaganda against the indivisible unity of the country, nation and State of the Republic of Turkey". The charges relate to the publication of a lecture given by American linguist and political commentator Noam Chomsky on 4 March 2001 in Toledo, Ohio. The lecture was entitled "Prospects for Peace in the Middle East" and Chomsky criticised the United States government for its support of alleged human rights abuses perpetrated by Turkey against its Kurdish minority.

    In September, Aram Publishing Company, a publishing house known for its support of Kurdish human rights issues, published a translated collection of Chomsky's essays and lectures under the title "American Interventionism". The collection included the transcript of the Toledo lecture.

    The indictment quotes two passages from the Toledo lecture: first, Chomsky's description of Turkey's treatment of the Kurds as "one of the most severe human rights atrocities of the 1990s" and, second, his remark that the Kurds "have been miserably oppressed throughout the whole history of the modern Turkish state but things changed in 1984. In 1984, the Turkish government launched a major war in the Southeast against the Kurdish population...tens of thousands of people killed, two or three million refugees, massive ethnic cleansing with some 3,500 villages destroyed." (WAN/IFEX, February 12, 2002)

    Broadcasting watchdog shuts down Kurdish TV

    Turkey's broadcasting watchdog has suspended broadcasts for one year by a local television station that played Kurdish-language music videos.

    The move, on Monday, comes despite a constitutional amendment to allow Kurdish broadcasts.

    Turkey altered its constitution in October to allow Kurdish-language television and radio broadcasts, part of a drive to meet European Union human rights standards, but it has yet to change the relevant laws.

    "Broadcasts by Gun TV have been stopped for 365 days for playing music pieces with Kurdish lyrics," Turkey's Radio and Television High Council (RTUK) said in a statement.

    "(Gun TV) was in violation of (laws) barring broadcasts that incite society to violence, terrorism and ethnic separatism and incur feelings of hatred in society," the watchdog said.

    An RTUK spokeswoman said the watchdog expects Gun TV to file an appeal once lawmakers make Turkey's legal code conform with the constitutional changes, but said the ban could still stand.

    "These are not just romantic songs, but strongly ideological songs," she said.

    The EU has said Turkey must improve its human rights record, including expanding cultural and linguistic rights for its 12 million Kurds, if it is to begin membership talks with the bloc.

    RTUK often imposes short suspensions on television and radio broadcasters for various infringements but rarely imposes bans for as long as a year.

    Gun TV broadcast rallies and meetings organized by HADEP which faces possible closure for its alleged ties to Kurdish separatists.

    "The decision was completely political. There were no sorts of 'separatist' programs being broadcast. It's a one-sided decision," said Nevzat Bingol, Gun TV's owner.

    Police raided Bingol's Gun Radyo in November, stopping the radio station's broadcasts and seizing studio equipment.

    Separately, authorities have cracked down in recent weeks on a campaign calling for Kurdish-language instruction in schools.

    Police have detained hundreds of university students and parents who signed petitions calling for Kurdish in the classroom. Turkey fears greater Kurdish cultural rights could prompt restive Kurds to demand greater autonomy.

    Security forces have fought Kurdish separatists in a 17-year-long conflict that has claimed 30,000 lives, mainly civilians in the southeast.

    Violence has all but ceased since the 1999 capture of Kurdish guerrilla commander Abdullah Ocalan. Ocalan, now on death row for treason, has called on his fighters to withdraw from Turkey and seek rights for Kurds through political means.(Reuters, February 12, 2002)

    Durcissement de la législation sur les délits de presse

    Dans une lettre adressée à Gunter Verheugen, commissaire à l'élargissement à la Commission européenne, Reporters sans frontières (RSF) a dénoncé le projet de modification par le parlement turc de la législation sanctionnant les délits de presse.

    "Sous couvert des réformes demandées par l'Union européenne, le pouvoir élargit encore le champ des délits de presse réprimés par la loi. C'est un comble, mais c'est désormais une constante de la politique des autorités turques en matière de droits de l'homme : d'un côté, des engagements généraux sont pris vis-à-vis de l'Union européenne dans le cadre du partenariat d'adhésion; de l'autre, tous les moyens sont mis en ¦uvre pour contrôler toujours plus étroitement la liberté d'expression", a déclaré Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de Reporters sans frontières. "Nous vous demandons de signifier clairement aux autorités turques que ces projets de loi sont inacceptables", a ajouté M. Ménard dans sa lettre au Commissaire européen.

    Suite aux modifications apportées à la Constitution, en octobre 2001, en vue d'un rapprochement avec l'Union européenne, les autorités turques s'étaient engagées à amender les articles du code pénal relatifs à la presse. Or les modifications qui ont été proposées le 24 janvier tendent plutôt vers un durcissement de la législation. Le projet s'est heurté à une vive opposition, mais devrait être représenté prochainement.

    L'article 312 du code pénal punit les "incitations à la haine et à l'hostilité par voie de discrimination". Le projet d'amendement présenté par les autorités, le 24 janvier, prévoit de considérer la "probabilité" d'incitation à la haine raciale comme un délit et d'inclure l'"insulte à l'honneur des personnes" et l'"insulte à une partie du peuple" comme nouveaux chefs d'inculpation, assortis d'une peine de six mois à deux ans de prison ferme.

    L'article 159 du code pénal punit les "moqueries et les insultes contre les institutions de l'Etat" de un à six ans de prison ferme. Si la nouvelle version de l'article 159 vient réduire la peine maximale à trois ans de prison, elle s'étend désormais à quiconque insulte la "turquicité", la nation turque, l'Etat turc, le parlement, le conseil des ministres, les ministères, les tribunaux, les forces armées ou de sécurité, ainsi que ses représentants. Le fait de mettre en cause une seule de ces institutions est puni de la même peine.

    Les articles 7 et 8 de la loi antiterroriste condamnent la "propagande d'une organisation terroriste" et la "propagande séparatiste". Le projet de loi prévoit d'étendre l'article 7 de la loi antiterroriste à la "propagande d'organisation terroriste par voie d'incitation à l'usage de moyens terroristes". L'article 8 quant à lui vise à punir "la propagande écrite, visuelle ou verbale, par voie de réunion, de manifestation ou de

    marche , d'un à trois ans de prison et d'une amende allant de un à trois milliards de lires turques (902 euros). D'après le projet, si la propagande constitue une incitation à commettre des actes terroristes, la peine de prison prononcée ne peut être convertie en amende.

    Reporters sans frontières rappelle que plus de cinquante journalistes ont été jugés en 2001 en vertu de ces articles.

    Erol Özkoray, fondateur et rédacteur en chef de la revue trimestrielle Idea Politika, est toujours poursuivi en vertu de l'article 159 du code pénal, pour "insulte à l'armée " et "insulte à la République". Dans plusieurs articles, il a analysé le rôle que joue l'armée turque au sein des institutions, son omniprésence politique et son poids économique. Il a estimé que l'armée bloquait la démocratisation du pays, candidat à l'Union européenne. Un premier procès, qui s'est ouvert le 9 novembre 2001, a abouti à un non-lieu. Cinq autres procédures judiciaires ont été ouvertes à son encontre, dont l'une fait suite à la publication d'une interview de Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de Reporters sans frontières, qui évoquait la "schizophrénie" du régime turc. La première audience de ce second procès est prévue pour le 4 avril 2002.

    Le 13 février 2002, Fatih Tas responsable des Editions Aram, comparaîtra devant la Cour de sûreté d'Etat n° 3 d'Istanbul, en vertu de l'article 8 de la loi antiterroriste, pour avoir publié, en septembre 2001, un recueil d'articles du linguiste et analyste politique Noam Chomsky, traitant du problème kurde, intitulé "Interventionnisme Américain". Noam Chomsky sera présent lors de l'audience.

    Nese Düzel, journaliste pour le quotidien d'opposition Radikal, est accusée d'"incitation à la haine par voie de discrimination religieuse" en vertu de l'article 312, pour une interview réalisée le 8 janvier 2001 avec Murtaza Demir, présidente d'une association de la communauté des Alevis, connus pour être des musulmans progressistes. La journaliste a déjà été entendue trois fois par le juge.

    Le 15 février, Celal Baslangiç, journaliste de Radikal, et Osman Tuna, responsable des Editons Iletisim, comparaîtront pour la seconde fois devant la seconde cour d'assises de Sultanahmet d'Istanbul pour avoir publié le livre "Le Temple de la Peur". Dès sa sortie en août 2001, l'ouvrage avait été saisi par les autorités judiciaires. Tous deux sont accusés de "moqueries et insultes envers les forces armées turques" en vertu de l'article 159.

    Depuis le 29 juin 2001, Fikret Baskaya, éditorialiste du quotidien prokurde Özgür Bakis et universitaire, est emprisonné à la prison de Kalecik à Ankara. Le 26 janvier 2001, la Cour de cassation avait confirmé une peine d'un an et quatre mois de prison et une amende de 1 066 000 000 de lires turques (855 euros) prononcée par la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat pour "propagande séparatiste", en vertu de l'article 8 de la loi antiterroriste. L'éditorialiste avait écrit, dans un article intitulé "Est-ce un procès historique ?", publié le 1er juin 1999 dans le quotidien Özgür Bakis, que "les dirigeants turcs ont toujours considéré le problème kurde comme un problème d'ordre public alors qu'il s'agit d'un problème national, et ont pensé pouvoir résoudre le problème en appliquant une politique chauvine, raciste et nationaliste". 6 février 2002

    Acquittement de l'éditeur turc de Noam Chomsky

    L'éditeur turc de l'intellectuel et linguiste américain Noam Chomsky a été, le 13 février, acquitté par la Cour de sûrde l'Etat (DGM) d'Istanbul qui le poursuivait pour propagande séparatiste au sujet du livre "l'interventionnisme américain" qui évoque le problème kurde.

    M. Chomsky n'était pas poursuivi personnellement dans cette affaire, mais a tenu à assister au procès en raison de sa "responsabilité morale d'être humain" à la situation en Turquie. "Je suis responsable des crimes commis en Turquie. Quand les Etats-Unis fournissent 80 % des armes de la Turquie dans le but précis de perpétrer une violente et brutale répression [contre les Kurdes], c'est ma responsabilité, et je veux aller à l'endroit où cela se passe", a expliqué N. Chomsky.

    Le propriétaire des éditions Aram, Fatih Tas, qui demeure poursuivi pour plusieurs autres livres traitant de la question kurde, a remercié l'auteur américain pour sa présence qui a "aidé à cette décision d'acquittement", a-t-il dit à l'issue de l'audience. "Nous ne nous attendions pas à ce verdict", a dit M. Tas, qui avait plaidé non coupable des accusations de propagande séparatiste, "et nous pensons que la justice turque doit apprendre à plus respecter ses justiciables".

    M. Chomsky a pour sa part souhaité que l'acquittement de M. Tas soit "un pas vers l'établissement de la liberté d'expression en Turquie". Il a insisté sur la "situation très difficile" des intellectuels turcs, jugeant que leur combat pour la liberté d'expression est "un exemple pour le monde entier".

    Dans son livre citant des extraits de cours donnés à l'Université de Harvard, M. Chomsky dénonce les ventes d'armes américaines à la Turquie, utilisées pour la "répression envers les Kurdes", a-t-il rappelé. "Des pays comme l'URSS, la Chine ou les dictatures militaires d'Amérique latine interdisaient ou interdisent mes livres, mais c'est la première fois que quelqu'un est poursuivi pour la publication de mes cours, c'est tellement extrême que je voulais être là pour le soutenir", a dit M. Chomsky.

    Noam Chomsky s'est ensuite rendu à Diyarbakir, car cette ville "est le centre des activités de répression", a-t-il estimé. Lors d'un symposium organisé par des organisations non gouvernementales locales, M. Chomsky a souhaité la création "un jour" d'un "Kurdistan autonome" au Proche-Orient qui regrouperait des millions de Kurdes disséminés dans plusieurs pays de la région.

    "J'espère qu'un jour il y aura un Kurdistan autonome et que des dizaines de millions de Kurdes vivront sur ses terres", a-t-il dit à Diyarbakir. "Les habitants de ce Kurdistan seraient autonomes politiquement et indépendants culturellement", a-t-il continué.

    Par ailleurs, l'écrivain américain a soutenu la revendication d'un enseignement du kurde dans les établissements scolaires. "J'ai du respect pour le kurde, je respecte aussi ceux qui oeuvrent avec courage pour demander à apprendre leur langue maternelle dans les écoles", a-t-il notamment dit. L'instruction dans une autre langue que le turc, donc le kurde, est interdite par la Constitution turque. Les dirigeants y sont catégoriquement opposés alors qu'elle constitue l'un des droits culturels que l'Union européenne, à laquelle la Turquie veut adhérer, lui demande de concéder à sa population kurde.

    Concernant les objectifs de son pays en Irak, menacé par une éventuelle extension de la campagne anti-terroriste américaine, M. Chomsky a estimé que les Etats-Unis utiliseraient la Turquie comme "mercenaire" contre ce pays en lui promettant en contrepartie les champs pétrolifères kurdes de Kirkouk et de Mossoul. "Une telle éventualité (militaire) provoquerait une explosion au Proche-Orient et une révolution en Arabie Saoudite", a-t-il estimé.

    M. Chomsky a rencontré à Diyarbakir des membres du HADEP, qui milite pour la reconnaissance des droits culturels des Kurdes et fait l'objet d'une procédure d'interdiction pour liens avec les séparatistes kurdes de Turquie. (CILDEKT, 15 février 2002)

    Noam Chomsky plaide pour un "Kurdistan autonome"

    Le militant de gauche et linguiste américain Noam Chomsky a souhaité mercredi la création "un jour" d'un "Kurdistan autonome" au Proche-Orient qui regrouperait des millions de Kurdes disséminés dans plusieurs pays de la région.

    "J'espère qu'un jour il y aura un Kurdistan autonome et que des dizaines de millions de Kurdes vivront sur ses terres", a-t-il dit à Diyarbakir, chef-lieu du sud-est anatolien à majorité kurde, lors d'un symposium organisé par des organisations non gouvernementales locales.

    "Les habitants de ce Kurdistan seraient autonomes politiquement et indépendants culturellement", a-t-il continué.

    Quelque 20 millions de Kurdes vivent en Turquie, Syrie, Irak et Iran, dont environ 12 millions en Turquie.

    L'écrivain américain a soutenu la revendication d'un enseignement du kurde dans les établissements scolaires. "J'ai du respect pour le kurde, je respecte aussi ceux qui oeuvrent avec courage pour demander à apprendre leur langue maternelle dans les écoles", a-t-il notamment dit.

    L'instruction dans une autre langue que le turc, donc le kurde, est interdite par la constitution turque. Les dirigeants y sont catégoriquement opposés alors qu'elle constitue l'un des droits culturels que l'Union européenne, à laquelle la Turquie veut adhérer, lui demande de concéder à sa population kurde.

    Concernant les objectifs de son pays en Irak, menacé par une éventuelle extension de la campagne anti-terroriste américaine, M. Chomsky a estimé que les Etats Unis utiliseraient la Turquie comme "mercenaire" contre ce pays en lui promettant en contrepartie les champs pétrolifères irakiens de Kirkouk et de Mossoul, dans le nord.

    "Une telle éventualité (militaire) provoquerait une explosion au Proche-Orient et une révolution en Arabie Saoudite", a-t-il estimé.

    M. Chomsky était mardi à Istanbul pour assister au procès de son éditeur turc, poursuivi pour propagande séparatiste après avoir publié son livre intitulé "L'interventionnisme américain", qui évoque la question kurde.

    L'éditeur a été acquitté dès la première audience devant une Cour de sûreté de l'Etat.

    M. Chomsky n'était pas poursuivi personnellement dans cette affaire, mais il avait tenu à assister au procès en arguant de sa "responsabilité morale d'être humain" face à la politique de son pays envers la Turquie.

    Dans son livre, qui reprend des extraits de cours donnés à l'Université de Harvard, il dénonce les ventes d'armes américaines à la Turquie, utilisées pour la "répression contre les Kurdes".

    M. Chomsky devait rencontrer à Diyarbakir des membres du HADEP, qui milite pour la reconnaissance des droits culturels des Kurdes et fait l'objet d'une procédure d'interdiction pour liens avec les séparatistes kurdes de Turquie. (AFP, 14 février 2002)

    Violations of thought freedom in brief

    Book Confiscated

    "The Guide for Marriage" produced by the municipality in Kütahya was confiscated on orders of Kütahya Penal Court. The book recommended marriage according to Islamic rules and was said to be in contradiction to the Civil Code. The public prosecutor in Kütahya has started an investigation against the chief priest of Kütahya, Mustafa Gazal, writer of the book and Mayor Süleyman Canan (SP), who wrote the preface. They might be charged under Article 312 TPC. (Radikal-TIHV, February 1, 2002)

    Journalist on Trial

    On 5 February Istanbul SSC No. 1 started the trial of Sadik Albayrak, columnist with the daily "Milli Gazete". He is charged with "separatist propaganda" in connection with a comment entitled "What a state of mind?" on a decree regarding crimes of civil servants. The defendant stated that the State President had later corrected the decree. The court adjourned the hearing to a later date. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Censorship for Paper

    On 29 January Eyüp Penal Court No. 2 ordered that the daily "Cumhuriyet" was not entitled to publish a report on fraud that should appear on 1 February. The decision was taken upon the application of the lawyer of Ahmet Hamdi Pinarcik, who is wanted in connection with fraud at the municipality of Istanbul. In the same verdict the TV station Kanal D was not prevented from broadcasting the same issue in its program Arena. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 1, 2002)

    Trial against Speakers

    On 5 February Beyoglu Penal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of 16 defendants, 13 of them women, who had spoken on the Conference against "Sexual and Rape in Custody", conducted in Istanbul in June 2000. The defendants Gülizar Tuncer, Fatma Karakas, Özgül Han, Duygu Aydin, Nazli Top, Fatma Deniz Polattas, Hayriye Ümin Yurdakul, Suna Aras, Tülay Çaglar, Berrin Tas, Safiye Top, Sultan Seçik, Temin Salmanoglu, Cemile Güçlü, Derya Engin, Songül Yildiz, Nahide Kiliç, Zeynep Ovayolu and Fatma Kara are charged with "insulting the armed forces" under Article 159 TPC. During the hearing defendant Hayriye Ümran Yurdakol stated that she had been a member of the organizing committee, but had not delivered a speech during the conference. The hearing was adjourned to a later date to hear the testimony of two further defendants said to be abroad. (TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Distributor of Newspaper Threatened

    Günaydin Akar, distributor of the bi-weekly "Yasamda Atilim" held a press conference at the premises of the Istanbul Branch of the Human Rights Association. He said that the police had shot at him on 5 February, when he and another 14 friends had been distributing the paper. The same police officer, driving a car with the plate number 34 NCU 46, had later detained them and offered them to become police informers. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 10, 2002)

    Radio and TV stations Punished

    The High Council for Radio and TV (RTÜK) ordered bans on broadcasting for "making separatist propaganda" for Gün TV (Diyarbakir) for 365 days, radio Hedef for 7 days and Hakkari FM for 3 days. The radio station "Arkadas", broadcasting in Ankara, received a ban for 365 days, because they had "incited the people to hatred and enmity" by broadcasting the call for a demonstration on 1 September World Peace Day. The radio station Özel FM was banned for 30 days for publication "against secularism". For a program by Fatih Altayli, seen as exceeding the boundaries of personal criticism and the program "chat on the pillow", seen to be against the general moral, the radio station "Radio D" was banned for two days from broadcasting. For similar reasons Ankara ART TV was banned for 7 days, radio Best FM for one day, Malatya Günes TV for one and Kiss TV for one day each. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 9, 2002)

    Artists on Trial

    The cartoonist Askin Ayrancioglu and Seyit Saatçi, civil servant at the municipality of Sinop, will be tried under Article 159 TPC for "insulting the armed forces". Together with Yasar Topçu they had opened an exhibition in Boyabat district (Sinop), but on 8 June 2001 the governor ordered the closure of the exhibition. The trial will start on 20 February. (TIHV, February 12, 2002)

    Journalists Convicted

    On 29 January Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 3 convicted Mehmet Eren, representative of the papers "Dema Nu" and "Deng" in Diyarbakir under Article 25/b-1 of the Law No. 2935 on Emergency Legislation for the possession of "illegal publications" and sentenced him to 8 months' imprisonment. The court also handed back the copies of "Deng", for which there was no order of confiscation. The case had been opened on the allegation that Mehmet Eren had transported publications into the region under a state of emergency for which there was a ban on distribution. Two further trials on similar allegations are sill continuing against him. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Journalist on Trial

    On 12 February the retrial of Coskun Ak, former coordinator of the "Forum" by the internet provider Superonline concerning a message in that "Forum" started at Istanbul Criminal Court No. 4. The hearing was adjourned to await the changes made to Article 159 TPC. On 27 March 2001 Coskun Ak had been sentenced to 40 months' imprisonment for not removing a message another reader had complained about. The Court of Cassation had quashed the verdict on the ground of "insufficient investigation". (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Book Confiscated

    Istanbul Penal Court No. 2 ordered the confiscation of the book "Terror in the Bed Room" written by the French author Serge Bramly and published by Everest Publishing House. The translator Nermin Acar and the publisher were sentenced to a fine. The book had been published in 1994 and later became subject for a film. Istanbul Penal Court No. 2 found its content against the "general moral". The 12 February edition of the daily "Günlük Evrensel" was confiscated by Istanbul SSC on the grounds that an article by Cihan Aydiner under the title of "Same old Story of Change in Following Imperialism" contained "propaganda for an illegal organization". The court also ordered the confiscation of edition 4 of the journal "Odak" on allegations of "propaganda for an illegal organization and incitement to hatred and enmity". (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Bans for Radio and TV stations

    The High Council for Radio and TV (RTÜK) announced a number of bans for broadcasting on the following radio and TV stations: Star TV (2 days), Star 2 TV (Kral/Teleon - 1 day), Mesaj TV (2 days), ATV, BRT and Kanal 6 (1 day each), Buca FM, broadcasting from Izmir (1 day), Karesi TV, broadcasting from Balikesir (90 days), Imparator FM (15 days), Dolunay FM and Radyo D (3 days each), Olay TV, Radyo Shema, Best FM, Özgür Radyo, Gün FM and NRT FM (1 day each). A number of channels received a warning. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Trial for Noam Chomsky's Book

    On 13 February Istanbul SSC No. 3 heard the case of Fatih Tas, owner of ARAM publishing house, who had been indicted for publishing the book by the US thinker Noam Chomsky entitled "The American Habit of Interventions". The defendant stated that the preface had been written by himself, but the rest of the book belonged to Noam Chomsky, who was among the observers of the trial. His wish to be included in the trial as defendant was rejected. The prosecutor stated that trials of foreigners had to follow certain procedures and continued by saying that the book, if read in its entity, did not contain the necessary elements of a crime. Subsequently the court acquitted the defendant. After the acquittal Fatih Tas said that he owed this decision to Noam Chomsky: "Had he not come this trial would not have resulted in acquittal. There are another 6 similar cases against me". Noam Chomsky also signed the booklet "Freedom of Thought 2001" and together with Eren Keskin, Mehmet Bekaroglu and Abdurrahman Dilipak he went to the prosecutor's office to file an official complaint against themselves. (Radikal-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Journalist on Trial

    On 13 February Istanbul SSC No. 6 heard the case of Nese Düzel, journalist with the daily "Radikal". For an interview on the faith of "Alevi" she is charged under Article 312 TPC. The court adjourned the hearing to 22 May in order to wait for the implementation of the changes to Article 312 TPC. (Radikal-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Pressure on the Press

    The 13 February edition of the daily "Günlük Evrensel" was confiscated by Istanbul SSC on the grounds that the second part an article by Cihan Aydiner under the title of "Same old Story of Change in Following Imperialism" contained "propaganda for an illegal organization". The edition of 12 February had been confiscated a day earlier. On 12 February the police raided the offices of the journals "Alinteri" and "Atilim" in Iskenderun and detained Emel Gültekin in the office of "Alinteri". On 11 February the cartoonist Dogan Güzel was detained at Istanbul Airport. He testified to the prosecutor at Istanbul SSC on 12 February and was released. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Journalists on Trial

    On 15 February Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of journalist Celal Baslangiç and Osman Nihat Tuna, responsible editor for Iletisim Publishing House in connection with the book entitled "Temple of Fear". The hearing was adjourned to 22 March to wait for the implementation of the changes to Article 159 TPC. The defendants are charged with "insulting the armed forces". (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 15, 2002)

    Journalists on Trial

    On 19 February Bakirköy Criminal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of the journalists Fatih Polat, Aydin Çubukçu, Semih Hiçyilmaz and Bülent Falakaoglu, editor-in-chief of the daily "Yeni Evrensel". Defense lawyer Kamil Tekin Sürek stated that one case had been opened for various articles and demanded that the cases should be separated. The court rejected the demand and adjourned the hearing to 17 September. The trial is based on an article by Fatih Polat of 24 April 2001, Semih Hiçyilmaz of 25 April 2001 and Aydin Çubukçu of 26 April 2001. All articles allegedly contain insult to the armed forces. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 20, 2002)

    Bans for Radio and TV stations

    The RTUK announced further bans on broadcasting of radio and TV stations. Gün FM and Gün TV, both based in Diyarbakir, will have to close down for one year each, because in August 2001 they played Kurdish and Armenian songs. This is the second 1-year ban for Gün FM. Istanbul Moral FM was banned for 30 days because of a program between 28 and 30 January entitled "Comment of Life", which was found to "lead the society to violence, terror and ethnic discrimination and distaste". On the same grounds Istanbul Akra FM was banned for 15 days and Özel FM for 30 days. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Journalist on Trial

    Nevzat Bingöl, owner of the TV station "Gün TV" in Diyarbakir, was indicted by the prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC for having broadcast the Kurdish song 'De Xalo' (Uncle) sung by Sivan Perwer on 4 October 2001. The charges are based on Article 8 of the LFT (disseminating separatist propaganda). On 12 February the RTUK had imposed a ban on broadcasting for 365 days on the TV station without waiting for the outcome of the trial.(Radikal-TIHV, February 25, 2002)

    Journalist on Trial

    Hasan Özgün, representative of the daily "Özgür Gündem" in Diyarbakir, was imprisoned in 1993 and later sentenced to 12.5 years' imprisonment for "membership of the PKK". Following the declaration of the so-called "Susurluk Report" he applied for a retrial from Aydin Prison arguing that new light had been shed on some murders of journalists in the region under a state of emergency. However, Hasan Özgün was not granted a retrial, but another case was filed against him on charges of "insulting the armed forces" in his petition. The trial based on Article 159 TPC will commence at a court in Diyarbakir. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 24, 2002)

    Journalist on Trial

    On 20 February Ankara SSC continued to hear the case of Memik Horuz, editor-in-chief of the journal "Isçi-Köylü", on charges of membership of an illegal organization. In summing up the case the prosecutor argued that a confessor had testified against the defendant. The hearing was adjourned to 18 March. (22 February, Evrensel-TIHV, February 22, 2002)

    Journalist Released

    Mehmet Kutlular, the owner of the daily "Yeni Asya", who had started to serve a sentence imposed by Ankara SSC on 22 May 2001, was released from Vize Prison (Kirklareli) on 21 February. The release followed a decision by Ankara SSC stating that the changes to the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) and the Law to Fight Terrorism (LFT) might be in favor of the defendant, who should no longer suffer from imprisonment. Mehmet Kutlular had been convicted for a speech he made in October 1999 saying that the earthquake was God's punishment for the non-believers. On 9 May 2000 Ankara SSC sentenced him to 2 years' imprisonment. The verdict was confirmed by the 8th Chamber of the Court of Cassation on 16 January 2001. (Radikal-TIHV, February 22, 2002)

    DJ indicted

    The public prosecutor in Istanbul indicted Nihat Sirdar, disc jockey at the radio station Best FM, for his program "Jokes with Nihat". According to the indictment Nihat Sirdar used to read out news from the papers. One of the item concerned robbers in a market place in Bostanci (Istanbul), who cause the death of 1 and injuries of 9 people, when they drove into that place. In his comments Nihat Sirdar reportedly created the impression that the thieves and the police were working together. He shall be tried at Istanbul Criminal Court No. 6 for insulting the security forces, an offence according to Article 159 TPC. (Milliyet-TIHV, February 27, 2002)

    Paper Confiscated

    Istanbul SSC ordered the confiscation of the journal "Aydinlik", since the paper did not follow the ban on publishing the e-mails of the EU representative Karen Fogg. On 21 February Istanbul SSC No. 5 had issued the ban on publishing the electronic mails of Karen Fogg, but "Aydinlik" of 24 February had continued with the publication. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 27, 2002)

    Ban on TV and radios

    The RTUK decided to close down the radio station Nur (Istanbul) and the TV and radio station Mihr (Denizli) indefinitely. The Council approached the public prosecutor to confiscate the means for broadcasting. In 1999 the radio station Nur had been punished for so-called "reactionary" (religious) programs by bans on broadcasting, twice for 180 days, 1 day and 90 days, and in 2000 and 2001 had received further bans for 180 days each. Mihr TV, also said to be a reactionary station, had used the channels of Kanal 7 at a time, when broadcasting was prohibited and later broadcast via the Loral Skynet Union in Brazil. RTÜK took the decision of a complete shut down on the grounds that the station had not implemented earlier bans. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Intellectuals and Artists Indicted

    The prosecutor at Ankara SSC indicted 14 people, who on 24 September 2001 had filed official complaints against themselves in solidarity with the photographer Mehmet Özer, on trial for a press statement of July 2000 concerning the F-type prisons. Like him, the members of the Initiative of Intellectuals and Artists will be charged under Article 169 TPC with "supporting an illegal organization". The trial of Ahmet Telli (poet), Sükrü Erbas (poet), Aydin Çubukçu (writer), Zerrin Taspinar (poet), Selma Agabeyoglu (poet), Ali Balkiz (writer), Oktay Etiman (translator), Yilmaz Demiral (theater player), Fettah Köleli (poet), Ilhan Akalin (writer), Abdullah Aydin (writer), Hüseyin Sahin (poet), Necmettin Salaz (poet-writer) and Kuvvet Yurdakul (poet-theater play writer) will start at Ankara SSC No. 2 on 8 April. (Evrensel-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Writer Detained

    Salman Yüksel, writer of the book "Operations to Rescue the Gangs of Ankara" and "Identities of the Gangs", was detained in Sivas during last week and released on 27 February. After his release he said that he had not been tortured, but he and his family had been put under pressure for the book, he published with his own means. He added that an earlier order of confiscation for his first book had been lifted and his detention had been in connection with an order of confiscation for the second book. After one day in detention he had been transferred to the hospital at the university and was confronted with 560 questions. Since he answered all questions correctly he received a report that he was intelligent. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Concert Prohibited

    A concert to be performed by the group "Yorum" in Elazig, was banned on orders of the governor, maintaining that public order could not be guaranteed. (Evrensel-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    POLITIQUE INTERIEURE / INTERIOR POLICY

    Un ex-ministre disculpé d'accusations de corruption

    L'Assemblée nationale turque a décidé jeudi de blanchir l'ex-ministre turc du Logement, Koray Aydin, d'accusations de corruption par un vote de ses députés, a annoncé son vice-président Kamer Genc.

    A l'issue d'un vote à bulletins secrets à l'assemblée plénière, 209 députés ont voté pour qu'il soit traduit devant la Cour suprême, 177 contre et 11 se sont abstenus sur un total de 399 députés présents.

    Une commission parlementaire avait été formée en novembre dernier pour enquêter sur les accusations. La commission avait indiqué dans un rapport la semaine dernière qu'il n'y avait pas lieu de déférer M. Aydin devant la Cour suprême. Tout parlementaire condamné par cette Cour est interdit de politique à vie.

    M. Aydin, membre du parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP, ultra nationaliste), partenaire de la coalition gouvernementale, avait été éclaboussé par une vaste enquête qui a mené à l'arrestation de nombreuses personnes, dont des hauts fonctionnaires de son ministère, actuellement jugés par une Cour de sûreté de l'Etat à Ankara.

    Il avait démissionné en septembre de son poste de ministre, niant les accusations.

    Le gouvernement s'est engagé à éradiquer la corruption, chronique en Turquie, conformément à un plan de redressement économique conclu avec le Fonds monétaire international (FMI) pour sortir le pays d'une grave crise économique. (AFP, 14 février 2002)

    Ecevit traité pour une maladie musculaire

    Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit est traité depuis huit mois pour une myasthénie, une maladie musculaire, et sa situation évolue "extrêment bien", selon son médecin cité jeudi par les journaux turcs.

    Cette affection caractérisée par une fatigabilité musculaire excessive et évoluant par poussées a été diagnostiquée en juin dernier lors de tests à l'hôpital, a indiqué son neurologue, le professeur Turgut Zileli, cité par le quotidien à gros tirage Sabah.

    M. Ecevit, 76 ans, subit depuis un traitement à la cortisone qui lui a fait prendre quelques kilos et lui a donné un air plus "rajeuni", souligne le journal.

    "M. Ecevit répond très bien au traitement, il n'y a rien à craindre. La maladie n'affecte pas ses capacités mentales", a déclaré le docteur Zileli au journal Milliyet.

    Les rumeurs et les spéculations sur la santé du Premier ministre font régulièrement la une de la presse turque qui avait évoqué par le passé la maladie d'Alzheimer et un cancer du colon. (AFP, 28 février 2002)

    FORCES ARMEES / ARMED FORCES

    Army to Ecevit: Don't act in haste on death penalty

    The Turkish military has reportedly advised Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit not to act in haste on the lifting of the death penalty and hold on the final decision on this "sensitive subject" until after the scheduled March 19 meeting of the EU on Turkey.

    According to well-placed political sources while debate continues among the political parties on the lifting of the death penalty, the Turkish Armed Forces have reportedly clarified its position on the issue and the Office of the Chief of General Staff has sent a "note" on the issue to the Prime Ministry, as well as to Justice Ministry, the Foreign Ministry and the EU General Secretariat.

    According to sources, in the note it was stressed that the military believed an amendment in Constitution was not required in order to lift the death penalty and that an amendment only in the Penal Code would suffice. Still, the sopurces said, even for the amendment to be made in the Penal Code, the military underlined that it was of the opinion that it would be better if Turkey waited until after the EU meets on march 19 to review the progress made in Turkey in fulfilling the short-term goals specified in the EU National Program.

    The note underlined that in the constittutional amendments made last year Turkey has scrapped death penalty from its constitution, excluding crimes of terror and at times of war or imminent threat of war and thus arrangements to be made in the Penal Code Article 125 "within that guidelines" would be enough.

    The note sent by the Office of the Chief of General Staff to the Prime Ministry also underlined that it would be "preferable" if an arrangement further than the scope of the constitutional amendments made last year was decided only after the March 19 meeting of the EU as scrapping the death penalty was not among the short-term pledges Ankara made in its National rogram. Ankara, in its National Program, had pledged EU to scrapp the death penalty in the "medium-term."

    Ecevit: Death penalty a national problem

    Talking to reporters Thursday after an hour-long meeting with Foreign Minister Ismail Cem and Deputy Chief of General Staff Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit said lifting of the death penalty was not the probŸlem of the government only. He said the issue was a matter of clearing Turkey's EU accession path and in that scope was a national problem of Turkey.

    The prime minister said he believed a way out would be eventually found to the problem as there was almost a consensus in the country on the need of lifting the death penalty.

    Izgi says death penalty not a handicap for EU accession

    Parliament speaker Omer Izgi, meanwhile has said that Turkey's lifting of the death penalty, except for crimes of terrorism, at times of war or in the imminent threat of war, will not be a handicap for the EU accession aspirations of the country.

    Speaking with reporters during a visit to the Kecioren Pensioners' Home to celebrate the forthcoming Eid ul-Adha (Feast of Sacrifice) religious holiday of the senior citizens, the Parliament speaker defended that Greece and France had also retained the death penalty for times of war when they lifted capital punishment, and therefore Turkey would not be the sole European country to lift death penalty except in times of war.

    Refuting claims that in order to lift the death penalty Turkey would be required to amend the Constitution, Izgi stressed that there were no clauses in the Turkish Constitution that defined the death penalty, and that all the references in the national charter to capital punishment were regarding how it would be issued and executed. He said that with the amendments made to the Constitution last year it had been defined for what crimes the death penalty could not be issued.

    He said the death penalty issue could be resolved by making amendments only to the Penal Code. Izgi, reiterating that with last year's amendments to the Constitution, Parliament had defined for what crimes the death penalty could not be issued, and underlined that the task of Parliament was now to decide for what crimes the capital penalty could be issued.

    He said deciding on the death penalty would be the most difficult task of Parliament, and that in amending the Constitution, Parliament had decided that the death penalty could be issued only for crimes of terrorism and at times of war or imminent threat of war. Now, he said, while there was such a stipulation in the Constitution, lifting death penalty all together from the Penal Code would be a very difficult decision for Parliament.

    Currently, the Turkish Penal Code states that crimes against the State, crimes against the security forces of the state, and crimes against individuals could be punishable with the death sentence. The death sentence is classified in the Penal Code as the heaviest penalty that can be issued by the courts and can be carried out only after the approval of Parliament and endorsement by the president.

    The crimes against the State that are currently punishable by death are covered by Articles 125 to 137 of the Penal Code. These articles include crimes such as separatism, treason, collaboration with enemy forces, leading enemy forces, assisting enemy forces in times of war, engaging in espionage activities, disclosure of secrets or issues prohibited by the government at times of war, and trying to change the constitutional order of the country by use of force.

    The crimes against the security forces of the State are covered in Penal Code Articles 146 to 156. According to these articles, armed rebellion, armed campaigns to change the established order, Constitution or regime of the country, engaging in an armed campaign in a manner rendering difficult the functioning of the Council of Ministers, inciting violence and uprising, attempting assassination of leaders of the country, and other such crimes, are covered in these articles as crimes punishable by death.

    Penal Code Article 450, on the other hand, defines the crimes against individuals that can be punishable with the death penalty. According to this article, murder under certain conditions could be punishable by death.

    In the Military Penal Code, on the other hand, more than a dozen articles define under what conditions "military personnel" could be sentenced to death.

    In the mean time, Article 30 of the Law against Smuggling, defines that if a government official, soldier or person assisting government forces, is killed in attempting to prevent smuggling or in the pursuit of smugglers, the perpetrators could be sentenced to death.

    Since 1985, Turkey has been applying an undeclared moratorium on the issue and Parliament has not handled any of the some 120 death penalty decisions in over 60 files. If Turkey lifts the death penalty but retains it only for crimes of terrorism, according to Parliament sources, only the death files of 46 convicts will remain at the Turkish legislature, and all other death penalty files would be commuted to life imprisonment without parole.(Turkish Daily News, February 21, 2002)

    La Turquie renonce à commander des chars "Léopard"

    La Turquie a renoncé à commander à l'Allemagne un millier de chars "Léopard-II" et préfère maintenant s'engager dans un processus de modernisation de ses chars "Léopard-I", annonce le Financial Times Deutschland (FTD) à paraître mercredi en citant des sources industrielles turques et allemandes.

    Selon le FTD, s'appuyant sur des informations fournies par le groupe d'armements turc Aselsan, cette entreprise a été chargée par les autorités turques de moderniser les 162 "Léopard-1" de l'armée turque. Cette modernisation concerne la technologie de tir.

    D'après un porte-parole du groupe d'armements allemand Krauss-Maffei, constructeur du "Léopard", cette modernisation est "une affaire exclusivement turque".

    Le système de tir des "Léopard" a été mis au point par un consortium germano-britannique, STN Atlas, filiale de l'Allemand Rheinmetall et de l'Anglais BAE Systems.

    Pour le Financial Times Deutschland, Ankara a pris cette décision en raison de l'embargo imposé par l'Allemagne à des exportations d'armements vers la Turquie. Dans leur accord gouvernemental de 1998, les deux partis de la coalition au pouvoir à Berlin, le Parti social-démocrate (SPD) et les Verts, étaient convenus de lier de telles exportations au respect des droits de l'Homme dans les pays acquéreurs.

    Fin 1999, les Verts, emmenés par Joschka Fischer, ministre des Affaires étrangères, avaient menacé de rompre la coalition après que le gouvernement eut approuvé la livraison à la Turquie d'un char-prototype "Léopard-2" pour des essais. (AFP, 19 février 2002)

    QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION

    PKK signals new phase, changes name

    Kurdish separatist leaders said on Tuesday the September 11 attacks on the United States had prompted them to drop the name of their group to show they were seeking change through political means.

    The PKK, whose commander Abdullah Ocalan was captured in 1999 and sentenced to death for treason, said it aimed to change its name at a party congress within the next few days.

    "After the events that took place on September 11, new international solutions are needed. The whole world, especially the Middle East, has changed," rebel leaders based in northern Iraq said in a statement sent to Kurdish satellite television channel, Medya TV.

    "By taking the necessary steps, the PKK has entered this new period," they added.

    The PKK's 17-year-long armed struggle for self-rule in mainly Kurdish southeast Turkey has claimed more than 30,000 lives, but fighting largely ended after Ocalan's arrest.

    Turkey describes the PKK guerrillas as "terrorists" but unsuccessfully lobbied the European Union to include the group on its list of deemed terrorist organisations.

    "From today onwards, the PKK's organisational and party endeavours in Turkey and countries belonging to the European Union have been stopped. No work will be conducted under the PKK name," the statement said.

    Sources close to the PKK said alternative names being considered were the Democratic Republic Party or the Kurdistan Freedom Party.

    But the leaders also hinted they could resort to arms again if their cultural demands failed to be met.

    "Turkey, God willing, needs to realise our positive, democratic steps are not permanent," the PKK statement said.

    Ocalan has ordered his followers to withdraw from Turkey and seek cultural rights for Turkey's 12 million Kurds through political means.

    Turkey has dismissed Ocalan's peace overture as a ruse to escape execution and said it will never negotiate with the PKK.

    Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit last month ruled out Kurdish language education, saying bringing the Kurdish language to Turkish classrooms would erode the country's unity.

    The EU, which Turkey hopes to join, has counselled Ankara to expand civil liberties for Kurds.

    Turkish soldiers regularly pursue PKK fighters into the mountains of northern Iraq, where the army says about 5,000 guerrillas are encamped. (Reuters, February 6, 2002)

    Manifestations pour l'enseignement en kurde

    Des Kurdes de Turquie ont manifesté de manière éparse samedi dans divers quartiers d'Istanbul pour réclamer un enseignement en langue kurde, annonce l'agence Anatolie.

    Les quartiers de Esenler, Bagcilar, Fatih, Zeytinburnu, sur la rive européenne, et de Umraniye, sur la rive asiatique d'Istanbul, ont été le théâtre d'attroupements de manifestants revendiquant un "enseignement en kurde à l'école", jusqu'à l'arrivée de police, selon Anatolie.

    Selon la même source, les manifestants ont lancé des cocktails Molotov avant de s'égayer dans les rues pour échapper aux forces de l'ordre, et aucune interpellation n'a eu lieu.

    Dans le quartier de Fatih, deux hommes non identifiés ont déposé dans un passage piéton aérien un paquet pouvant faire penser à un colis piégé, mais qui ne contenait qu'une pancarte disant "nous voulons un enseignement en kurde", a révélé l'inspection des services de déminage.

    La semaine dernière, le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit s'est catégoriquement opposé à un enseignement en kurde en Turquie, "c'est impossible", a-t-il notamment dit, dénonçant des "manoeuvres de certains pays d'Europe visant à diviser la Turquie".

    La campagne pour demander l'enseignement en langue kurde, interdite selon la constitution turque, a débuté en novembre et des milliers d'étudiants dans le pays ont été interpellés pour avoir signé des pétitions en ce sens.
    D'autre part, cinquante-neuf membres du HADEP ont été arrêtés en un mois dans plusieurs villes turques pour avoir soutenu une vaste campagne en faveur d'un enseignement en langue kurde dans les écoles et les universités, a annoncé lundi le HADEP.

    Les autorités turques considèrent le mouvement comme une volonté de politisation du PKK qui a mis fin en 1999 à sa lutte armée pour la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant dans le sud-est du pays.

    L'Union européenne à laquelle la Turquie souhaite adhérer, lui réclame plus de droits culturels pour sa population kurde, notamment une télévision et un enseignement en kurde. (AFP, 9-11 février 2002)

    Une chaîne de TV suspendue pour soutien au PKK

    Le Haut conseil de l'audiovisuel turc (RTUK) a décidé d'interdire de diffusion pendant un an une chaîne de télévision à Diyarbakir, chef-lieu du Sud-Est anatolien à majorité kurde, pour "émissions de nature à soutenir le PKK (séparatistes kurdes de Turquie)", a indiqué lundi à l'AFP un responsable de cet organe.

    Le RTUK a pris cette décision car la chaîne, GUN TV, émettait à partir de minuit des chansons en kurde "louant le PKK (Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan) et insultant l'Etat turc", a précisé ce responsable sous couvert d'anonymat.

    "Diffuser des chansons en kurde n'est pas interdit, mais soutenir ouvertement le PKK avec des marches militaires l'est", a-t-il souligné ajoutant que cette chaîne avait par le passé été fermée par le RTUK pour des raisons similaires.

    Le RTUK doit annoncer ultérieurement quand la décision prendra effet.

    Depuis sa création en 1994, le RTUK a déjà suspendu pendant des laps de temps divers plus de 500 chaînes de radio et de télévision, selon les chiffres officiels. (AFP, 11 février 2002)

    Des Kurdes manifestent à Strasbourg pour Ocalan

    De 6.000 à 8.000 Kurdes, venus de France, d'Allemagne, de Suisse et du Bénélux, ont défilé samedi dans les rues de Strasbourg (est) pour réclamer la libération du chef rebelle kurde Abdullah Ocalan, arrêté il y a trois ans et détenu depuis en Turquie, a constaté l'AFP.

    Les manifestants - 8.000 selon les organisateurs, 6.000 selon la police - répondaient à l'appel de la Maison des Kurdes, une association culturelle basée à Strasbourg, et de plusieurs associations de Kurdes d'Allemagne, de Belgique, des Pays-Bas et de Suisse.

    Aux cris de "Liberté pour Ocalan", les manifestants, dont certains portaient un bandana rouge et jaune aux couleurs du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, séparatiste), ont défilé en milieu de journée dans les rues de la ville, avec, en tête de cortège, un immense portrait du leader kurde.

    "Ocalan s'est battu pour trouver une solution pacifique au problème kurde", a affirmé à l'AFP Mme Fidan Dogan, porte-parole des organisateurs. "Pour nous, son procès a été celui de tout le peuple kurde. C'est ce que nous avons voulu dire ici, à Strasbourg, siège du Conseil de l'Europe (dont est membre la Turquie) et de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme".

    Les manifestants, dont certains s'étaient symboliquement enchaînés et baillonné la bouche avec du ruban adhésif, ont également apporté leur soutien à la campagne lancée en novembre en Turquie pour demander l'enseignement en langue kurde, interdit par la constitution turque.

    "Limiter notre langue, c'est limiter notre vie", affirmait ainsi une banderole, en référence à cette campagne qui a conduit à l'interpellation en Turquie de milliers d'étudiants, signataires de pétitions en ce sens. (AFP, 16 février 2002)

    Des enfant kurdes interrogés pour participation à un concours

    Des enfants âgés de 7 à 14 ans ont été interrogés par des inspecteurs du ministère de l'Education pour avoir participé à un concours de l'Association des droits de l'Homme (IHD) à Diyarbakir, chef-lieu du sud-est à majorité kurde, a indiqué lundi l'IHD.

    "L'enquête a été ouverte début février et elle se poursuit", a précisé à l'AFP Muharrem Erbey, du bureau de l'IHD à Diyarbakir.

    Quelque 300 enfants avaient participé en décembre à un concours en faisant des dessins ou des compositions pour marquer la semaine des droits de l'Homme, a précisé M. Erbey.

    Vingt enfants et une quarantaine d'enseignants ont été interrogés par des inspecteurs sur les raisons de leur participation au concours de l'IHD et non à celui organisé par le bureau du gouverneur.

    Les autorités locales ont refusé de faire le moindre commentaire.

    "La psychologie des enfants a été sérieusement affectée. Ils ont été interrogés comme s'ils avaient commis un crime en faisant des dessins et des compositions innocentes", a relevé M. Erbey.

    L'IHD avait pourtant reçu l'autorisation de la municipalité d'organiser ce concours et de le faire connaître par voie d'affiches.

    Les autorités ont longtemps accusé l'IHD de liens avec le PKK. (AFP, 18 février 2002)

    Réaction à la "politisation" du PKK

    Le président du parlement turc Omer Izgi s'est catégoriquement opposé lundi à une "politisation" du PKK, indiquant qu'il n'y avait pas de place pour une "organisation terroriste" dans l'horizon politique turc.

    "Le PKK est une organisation terroriste qui s'est affirmée par des actions visant à diviser le pays", a-t-il dit, en réponse aux déclarations d'un ministre la semaine dernière.

    "Il est impossible qu'une organisation comme le PKK, qui reflète sa volonté en actes par des actes terroristes, puisse avoir une place dans la vie politique turque", a dit M. Izgi, cité par l'agence Anatolie.

    Le ministre d'Etat chargé des Douanes, Mehmet Kececiler, membre influent du parti de la Mère Patrie (ANAP, centre-droit), partenaire de la coalition tripartite turque, avait indiqué dans des déclarations parues jeudi dans la presse turque que sa formation "vaincrait" le PKK dans le sud-est anatolien à majorité kurde au cas où il devait se présenter aux prochaines élections législatives.

    L'ANAP, dont le chef Mesut Yilmaz est vice-Premier ministre chargé du dossier européen, milite pour une adhésion rapide de la Turquie à l'Union européenne et adopte une approche modéré pour l'octroi des droits culturels aux kurdes, provoquant l'ire du parti de l'Action Nationaliste MHP (extrême droite), partenaire de la coalition dont est issu M. Izgi. (AFP, 25 février 2002)

    Martin Van Bruinessen and education in Kurdish

    We talked with the famous Dutch Kurdolog Professor Martin Van Bruinessen for the program "Carcira" regarding education in Kurdish. The interview took place on the 4th of February at the University of Utrecht where Bruinessen works.

    Professor Bruinessen had important suggestions and criticism regarding the issue of education in Kurdish, methods and its application. I would like to share with you some of them here.

    "Attempts to educate in Kurdish has taken place in past as well. This goes as early as to the beginnings of the 20th century. We know that Saidi Nursi established a school for Kurdish children during those years. This is important, because it was the first modern Kurdish school. As known, from the creation of the Turkish Republic until a decade ago Kurdish experienced a period of prohibition. Since a decade there is no legal prohibition of Kurdish but no legal recognition either.

    During recent times students in Turkey, with EU"s requirements regarding education in other languages in mind, put the issue rapidly on the agenda. The government"s stance towards the issue was on the other hand quite backward. It does not seem to want a solution either. But as much as I can see it the stance of the government will not last long.

    At the same time the issue of education in Kurdish has not been fully understood by Kurds in Turkey either. There are Kurdish courses at the Kurdish Institute in Istanbul and in other places. These courses have now been closed down, so has the Institute.

    I believe that there is now a need for Kurds in exile for a period to take the leading role on this issue. We are aware of the activities taking place in Scandinavian countries, such as Sweden and Denmark.

    For more than 20 years in Sweden, Kurds are being educated in their own language. A great number of tools and materials have been created for this purpose. These can make an important contribution to education in Kurdish. Kurds in those countries can play an important role as well. The tools and methods created in Europe can make a great contribution to education in Kurdish in Turkey and in the south.

    My personal view regarding questions such as, "Will the State itself have education in Kurdish?" and "Will the State have compulsory education in Kurdish in, for example primary, schools, towns or villages?", is:

    Firstly - the first steps usually are taken by individuals rather than the State. An individual initiative is necessary. For the creation of such an initiative the Kurds need to be prepared to provide a foundation for education. Besides, learning materials have to be available and ready for education. I know that the Kurds in Europe is providing this to some extent. But even better books are needed.

    Second - important point is to have the proper personnel. Because, just the knowledge of Kurdish is not sufficient, how to educate in a language is even more important. A teacher should be able to explain why one thing is said in two different ways. We need teachers like that.

    One could think of a solution like this: Kurdish teachers who teach in Turkish could use their experiences. In this aspect, the biggest role will be played by the Kurdish teachers in Europe. I believe that the best result will be achieved by these teachers training the new teachers.

    Television is very important as well. For example, it is said that Medya TV has the theoretical means to help the Kurds to learn Kurdish. Unfortunately, I do not believe that these means are being used in the suggested way. Did the Kurdish writers in Europe come together and standardise their language?

    There is a Kurdish newspaper and has until now printed 20 issues. This is a good step on the way to standardisation. A coming together will help solving problems such as the pronunciation of words and the use of them.

    I have not seen any work on this issue on the TV. What I have observed, so far, is the lack of monitoring the level of language the announcers are using. There is no initiative to standardise the language either.

    I have come to the conclusion that neither the announcers nor the creators of programs are educated to speak better Kurdish. Television is a tool for the Kurds to learn. They have to know what contemporary Kurdish standards are to be able to speak it well. Therefore improvement is needed for more to be achieved.(Yedinci Gündem, February 4, 2002)

    Oppression of the Kurds in brief
    Campaign on Education in Kurdish

    In Elazig 8 people were detained in connection with petitions on education in Kurdish, which they wanted to present to the director for national education. Among them Hatun Yilmaz, Fikriye Demirtas, Mukkader Uzun and Emine Çelik were arrested on charges of "supporting the PKK". Hanim Tosun, wife of Fehmi Tosun, who "disappeared" in custody, was detained during a raid on her home in Avcilar (Istanbul). Istanbul SSC ordered her arrest on charges of "supporting the PKK" in connection with a petition she had signed concerning education in Kurdish. Nur Muhammed Magat, Elif Aslan, Hacire Sen, Hayriye Ekinci, Hatice Gazioglu, Huri Dogan, Hüsna Tosun Akdemir, Saniye Ekinci and Yüksel Dogan were arrested with her on 31 January. In Onur and Sakirbey quarter of Adana 5 people were detained on 30 January including Azime Yavuz, Hüsniye Özbay (Özbey), Felek Özbey and Ömer Özbey. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 1, 2002)

    Torture in Diyarbakir

    On 30 January the students L.N. (17), A.B., I.N., D.T. (17) and M.B. (17) were detained after leaflets on education in Kurdish had been distributed at the Atatürk Lyceum in Diyarbakir. The pupils were first interrogated by the school administration and the police in their school rooms and later taken to Diyarbakir Police HQ. After release L.N. said: "First the director and two deputy directors interrogated me for two hours at school. Then the police officers entered and interrogated me for a while. Later I was taken to the department to fight terrorism. In the room for interrogations I was constantly asked whether I and my friends had distributed the leaflets. Whenever I said "No" they beat me. I was blindfolded and stripped naked. They hosed me with pressurized water and later applied electric shocks by my toes. That lasted for about 15 minutes. They constantly cursed at me and tried to suffocate me. They wanted me to sign a statement that HADEP was organizing us and that I supported the PKK in attempting to become a political movement. I refused to sign and they beat me again threatening to rape me. I was very much afraid, but did not sign the papers." The female student D.T. said: "In the room of the director I was questioned for some time. Later the police officers took me to the department to fight terrorism. They blindfolded me and beat me on all parts of my body. They threatened me with rape if I did not confess. When I said that I hadn't done anything they tore me at my hairs. At 2am they came again and asked me the same questions. They wanted me to sign a paper stating that HADEP was behind the action and my friend L. was the activist. When I said that I would not sign such a statement they threatened me with imprisonment. Later I signed a statement, which I was not allowed to read. Only at the prosecutor's office I was informed about the content." The students went to the Human Rights Association in Diyarbakir after release and said that they would file an official complaint. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 2, 2002)

    Detention and Arrest of HADEP members

    Rahmi Askan, Ecevit Bozaci, Fuat Durgun, Hamit Isik, Halit Çakir, Abdullah Tatli and Servet Adil, members of the HADEP, who were detained in Yüksekova district (Hakkari) on 27 January, were arrested on 1 and 2 February. Hasan Mert, Ercan Bora, Fahri Isik, Sefer Duman and Veysi Bora were released. On 1 February Nizamettin Almaz, chairman of the youth wing of HADEP in Mersin was detained by plain clothes detectives, who dragged him into their car. On 29 January the gendarmerie stopped a minibus on its way to Pervari district (Siirt). The papers "Yedinci Gündem" and "Azadiya Welat" were confiscated and the driver Mahmut Asan was detained. The next day Hasan Sayir, secretary of HADEP for Pervari district, Ebubekir Aydar, working for the minibus company and Emin Demir, distributor of "Azadiya Welat" in Siirt, were detained. During a raid of the offices of HADEP in Pervari Siddik Yilmaz and Sahbaz Günes were detained. They were later released. In Izmir the HADEP members Nihat Diner, Semra Kaya, Müzeyyen Bozdogan, Semsettin Basçi and Erol Berk were detained on 1 February. Müzeyyen Bozdogan was released shortly afterwards. Semra Kaya and Erol Berk were released on 2 February. In Van, Umut Erdal was arrested on 30 January. Altan Sen, Harun Aslan and the distributors of "Yedinci Gündem", Sirin Harhar and Mikail Tunçdemir were released. They said that they had been tortured in detention. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 2-3, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    On 31 January some 50 parents were detained in Menemen district (Izmir), when they wanted to present petitions on education in Kurdish. 44 of the detainees were released on 1 February. On 2 February the police intervened into a meeting by the trade union in the health and social services sector (SES) in Van. The police tore down banners for "I want my child to be educated in his mother tongue" and made an ID check of all participants. The chairman Fikret Dogan and the board members Aynur Engin, Kemal Tunçdemir, Ridvan Çiftçi, Özcan Günes, Faruk Yavrutürk, Songül Morsümbül, Ziya Balamir and Yilmaz Belki were detained. They were later released. In Elazig the parents Hatun Yilmaz, Emine Çelik and Mukaddes Uzun, who had been detained on 31 January in connection with petitions on education but later were released, were detained again on 2 February and shortly afterwards put in pre-trial detention. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 1-2-3, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    On 4 February the police detained Safiye Tufan, Hediye Tufan, Fadile Yavuz, Habibe Ari, Emine Tunç, Emine Bastog and another 5 women, when they wanted to present petition for education in Kurdish to the local director for national education. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 5, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    In Izmir the HADEP members Nihat Diner and Yilmaz Sürme, who had been detained on 1 February, were arrested on 4 February. Semsettin Bagci, distributor of the weekly "Yedinci Gündem" is reportedly still held in custody. In Antep Metin Acet, reporter for "Yedinci Gündem", the distributor Mehmet Isik, Sitki Bagriyanik, board members of TAYDER and the HADEP members Ibrahim Bulut, Ali Ihsan Gündogdu, Nezir Bozan, Ibrahim Sahin, Mahmut Sahin, Mehmet Ali Bozan, Fevzi Sahin and Hüseyin Dektas were detained during raids on their houses. In Mersin, Nizamettin Almaz, chairman of the youth wing of HADEP, who was detained in 1 February, was arrested on 3 February. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 5, 2002)

    Threats against HADEP members

    In Kusadasi (Izmir) plain-clothes detectives kidnapped Murat Tas and Fedai Tas, young members of the youth wing of the HADEP on 4 February. They were taken to an open field and threatened to leave the party. The juveniles were later released.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    In Erzurum Ömer Sait Özmen (16) was detained, after he presented a petition on education in Kurdish to the local director for national education. First his father Süleyman Özmen was detained and, after his release, his son was detained at his home. Reportedly the police are also looking for his elderly brother, Alihan Özmen. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 6, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    On 7 February a group of students gathered in Cagaloglu (Istanbul) aiming at holding a press conference on education in Kurdish. The police detained 9 of them by dragging them over the ground. On the evening of 6 February the students Ilhan Tunç and Hali Haki Sabit, who had been detained in Elazig in connection with petitions on education Kurdish, were arrested on charges of supporting the PKK.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    On 7 February Adana SSC heard the case of the HADEP members Yilmaz Topalca and Yilmaz Atilla in Mersin, who had been detained in connection with activities around 1 September World Peace Day and later were charged with "supporting the PKK". The court ordered the release on bail for both defendants and adjourned the hearing to a later date. In Mersin the street vendor Ömer Narin, born in Siirt, was detained on 6 February. He was taken to the department to fight terrorism. In Gaziantep 7 of 9 people, who had been detained during raids on their houses in Güzelvadi, Ocaklar and Vatan quarters of the city center and Sahinbey district on charges of supporting the PKK, were arrested. Metin A. and Mehmet I. were released by the prosecutor, but Mehmet Selami Öz, Serdar Özlü, Fevzi Sahin, Ibrahim Halil Sahin, Ali Gündogdu, Tahir Özmen and Sitki Bagriyanik were arrested. They are said to belong to a radical Islamic organization. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 8, 2002)

    Campaign on Education in Kurdish

    On 11 February the police detained Kiyas Kartal, Mülkiye Kartal, Müyeser Bozkurt, Herdem Karatoprak, Nuriye Furan and Cevahir Akgün, when they wanted to hand over petitions on education in Kurdish to the director for national education in Küçükçekmece (Istanbul). In Siirt some parents had forwarded petitions on education in Kurdish to directors of school. Following their action of 7 February the police raided several houses on 10 February and detained Hazal Aksu, Hediye Sezek and a third person, whose name could not be established. In Istanbul Emine Tekin and Suphiye Demir, who had demanded education in Kurdish by sending letters, were detained on 10 February. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 12, 2002)

    Actions for Abdullah Öcalan

    In the wake of the third anniversary of the arrest of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan (15 February 1999) protest activities were reported from many towns in Turkey. In Batman some 500 demonstrators came together in Yavuz Selim and Petrol quarters on 10 February. They dispersed after a while. In Kültür quarter another 250 people gathered shouting slogans in favor of Abdullah Öcalan. The police intervened and detained 15 people. In Bismil district (Diyarbakir) some 200 juveniles had come together dancing around a fire. The crowd followed the demand of the police to disperse, but 3 people were detained. Two of them were later released, but Hilmi Kaya is reportedly still held in custody. During another action in Bismil three unnamed women were detained. Actions were also reported from Mersin and Adana. In Sakirpasa quarter (Adana) several protesters were detained and one of them is said to have been injured to his head.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 12, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    Among 13 persons, detained in Kadiköy and Küçükçekmece (Istanbul), when they wanted to hand over petitions on education in Kurdish to the local directors for national education, Hikmet Kalkan and Giyasettin Kartal were arrested. The other 11 detainees were released. In Batman Celile Durmaz, Hanife Yesil, Sultan Keskin and Halime Sorhan, who had been arrested on 24 January, were released on 11 February on objection of their lawyer. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Death Penalties in PKK trial

    On 12 February Istanbul SSC No. 5 passed its verdict on 3 defendants, who were held responsible for throwing molotov cocktails into a shop in Küçükçekmece (Istanbul) on 4 May 1995 during a demonstration reportedly organized by the PKK. The defendants Murat Kit and Orhan Bingöl were sentenced to death according to Article 125 TPC and the defendant Abidin Dogan was sentenced to 12.5 years' imprisonment accordung to Article 168/2 TPC. The sentences of Kit and Bingöl were commuted to life imprisonment because of good conduct. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    In Istanbul Naif Çiçek, Sahibe Sümer, Aysel Baydas, Menice Günes, Nazife Günes, Makbule Kocaman, Güllü Sevimtekin, Yildiz Sevimtekin, Fatma Duman and another five parents and two children were detained, when on 13 February they wanted to hand over petitions on education in Kurdish to the director for national education in Güngören district. Kiyas Kartal, who had been detained on 11 February, when he wanted to forward petitions to the director for national education in Küçükçekmece (Istanbul) was arrested and taken to Bayrampasa Prison.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 14, 2002)

    Campaign on Education in Kurdish

    Hüseyin Güzel, student at Hacettepe University, alleged that he was held in detention over four days and put under pressure to become a police informer. He had been detained after presenting petitions to the rector of the university on 10 January 2002. He stated: "One year ago, I had been detained and the police forced me to sign a paper, saying that I was prepared to work for the police. This time they threatened me to put up that paper and expose me in front of the other students. I was held in cold conditions so that my bronchitis worsened." Kahramanmaras Social Security Hospital issued a report certifying inability to work for 20 days. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 15, 2002)

    Association Closed

    On 6 February the premises of the Izmir branch of the Mesopotamian Culture Association were sealed on the grounds that they had no permission. Yilmaz Yildiz, chairman of the branch, stated that the municipality had taken this decision on the wish of Izmir Police HQ., despite the fact that they had paid the fine for employing staff without being insured. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 18, 2002)

    Detention and Arrest of HADEP members and officials

    On 14 February the police in Istanbul raided the offices of the HADEP in Küçükçekmece, Bahçelievler, Esenler, Zeytinburnu, Kagithane, Kadiköy and Bagcilar district on the order of the prosecutor at Istanbul SSC. Edibe Sahin, chairman of HADEP in Kadiköy, Sabahattin Çelik, chairman of HADEP in Bahçelievler, Süleyman Berke, Ömer Kincüce and Ferzen Tasan, officials of HADEP in Kagithane, Ibrahim Siyahkaya (Esenler) and Mehmet Tas (Zeytinburnu) were detained. In Urfa the officials and members of HADEP, Cezair Çelik, Cemal Yavuzus, Vahyettin Akyüz and Siracettin Irmak, who had been detained on 13 February, were arrested on 17 February. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 15-17, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    On 14 February the police intervened in Batman during protests against the arrest of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan and detained many people, among them Hikmet Kanat, Hikmet Kanat, Serif Oguz, Lokman Basaran, Selman Basaran, Resat Akinci, Rahmi Akinci, Edip Akinci, Muzaffer Mut, Mehmet Mut, Adil Toy, Hasim Timur, Lezgin Simsek, Alaattin Gezer, Ayhan Gezer, Hasan Aydin, Menaf Kanat and Yilmaz Gezer. The next morning another protest was held and again the police detained many people, including the representative of the weekly "Yedinci Gündem", Irfan Aydin. He was later arrested. During a search of the offices the reporter Serdar Altan was detained. On 16 February Murat Akgündüz, Fuat Çermik and Selahattin Durmaz were detained in Kocaalan village (Dicle-Diyarbakir) after a demonstration. In Urfa 23 members of HADEP were detained when they wanted to present petitions on education in Kurdish to the director for national education. In Istanbul Naif Çiçek and Süleyman Bakis were arrested on 15 February. They had presented petitions to the governor in Güngören. On 13 February the trial against Muammer Özgür Küçüktekin, Ahmet Serkan Tomar, Sabri Serkan Kazak, Onur Ayaz and Rahmi Tiril, alleged members of the organization "Anarchist Autonomy" started at Izmir SSC. The defendant Rahmi Tiril was released and the hearing was adjourned to 3 April. All defendants had been detained during a demonstration in Usak on 1 December 2001, when they distributed leaflets. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 15-16-17, 2002)

    Trial of Students

    On 19 February Diyarbakir SSC No. 1 started to hear the case of the students Abdurrahim Demir, Resat Bagci and Ömer Kaçmaz in connection with a petition signed by 1,540 students for Kurdish to become an elective course at the university. The three defendants and 10 lawyers including Mustafa Özer, chairman of Diyarbakir Bar Association, had appeared. Abdurrahim Demir testified to the effect that he and his friends had signed the petition without pressure from outside. He stated that he had been forced to sign his statement to the police without having been able to read it. Resat Bagci and Ömer Kaçmaz also asked for acquittal. Defense lawyer Mustafa Özer stated that everybody had the right to hand in a petition and such an action could not be interpreted as support for the PKK. A language spoken by millions of people had to be developed. He asked for acquittal of the defendants. The court adjourned the hearing to 24 April. In Ankara the students Veli Ay, Necdet Yigit, Zelal Özgökçe, Haydar Karaca and Nihat Avci, who tried to present petitions on education in Kurdish to their universities, were arrested on 19 February. Mustafa K. and Hüseyin B. were released. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 20, 2002)

    Pressure on HADEP

    At midnight on 18 February the offices of the HADEP in Reyhanli district (Hatay) were attacked by armed people. Apparently nobody was injured, but the bullets hit the windows and flags at the building. In Nusaybin the HADEP chairman for the district, Hasan Bozkurt, filed an official complaint with the public prosecutor on allegations that the chief of the department to fight terrorism and other police officers had insulted and threatened him, when he went to observe the trial against Engin Tokay, chairman of the youth wing of HADEP in Nisaybin and another 7 defendants. On entry to the court building they had been hindered by the police officers stating that they were members of a separatist party and would share the same fate with officials of the party in Sirnak province (two officials in Silopi-Sirnak "disappeared" on 25 January 2001). (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 20, 2002)

    Torture in Diyarbakir

    On 12 February Fatma Maçin (45) was detained in Diyarbakir. She is reportedly suffering from a weak heart and high tension. She alleged that she was kicked and sworn at and twice had to be taken to hospital. She was taken back for interrogation but when she started to vomit she was taken back to hospital and released from there. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Campaign on Education in Kurdish

    On 20 February Erzurum SSC heard the case of Ömer Sait Özmen (17), who had been arrested about two months ago, when he forwarded a petition on education in Kurdish to the local director for national education. He stated that he had signed the petition, because he did not know enough Turkish. Subsequently the court ordered the release of the defendant. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Detention and Arrest of HADEP members

    In Marmara district (Mugla) the police raided the house of Faik Taskaya, treasurer of HADEP, on 19 February. The police stayed in the house until the evening and detained his wife Saliha Taskaya and the children R.(2), B.(7), M.(11), F.(5) the nephews H.(1), Y.(5) and the visitor Sükrü Isik. At the same time the house of HADEP member Fesih Barut was raided and his wife and two children were detained. During a raid of the construction site of Mr. Barut he and 6 workers were detained. After an intervention of HADEP board members some children were released, but the small ones continue to be held together with their mothers. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    In Adana the alleged PKK member Selim Eklik (40) was arrested. The police holds him responsible for the killing of the police officers Necip Un (48) and Muhammet Gömce (46) in Sirnak on 13 January 1989. In Istanbul Iraqi national Raif Türkmen was arrested. He had been detained in connection with the operation in Van against the organization called "Beyyiat al Imam" (Union of Preachers). Another suspect, Ahmet Abdullah, was sent to Van for further interrogation. Two sons of him were released by the police and Çetin Dinçer was released by the prosecutor. In Van the two Palestinians Mustafa Hasan and Firas Süleyman and the Jordanian national Ahmet Mahmud were arrested on 20 February. In Konya Murat Gezenler, Halil Ibrahim Türkmen, Hakan Erdem, Bahri Kösedag, Murat Nalbant and Cüneyt Akkas, who had been detained on charges of "supporting the radical Islamic organization Hizb-ul Tahrir" were arrested on 20 February. In Ankara Aytaç Polat was arrested. The police announced that he was member of an organization called 'Selefi', had gone to Afghanistan to be trained by the Talibans. Reportedly he confessed that 10 further members had returned to Turkey. (Evrensel-Hürriyet-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Fine for Kurdish Cassette

    On 20 February Mus Penal Court heard the case of Necmettin Kaya, charged with having sold the music cassette "Girtiye Azadiye" by Ciwan Haco. The court found that the cassette had been banned on 31 May 2001 by the governor of Mus and, since it had been established that Necmettin Kaya had sold the cassette in contravention to Law 3257 on "Film-video and music productions", he was fined TL 2.8 billion. Since he had not made the necessary pre-payment the fine was increased under Article 119 TPC to TL 4.2 billion. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 21, 2002)

    Campaign on Education in Kurdish

    On 26 February a group of parents tried to present petitions on education in Kurdish to the Director for National Education in Istanbul, situated in Cagaloglu. The parents, who tried to get there in small groups, were prevented by the anti-riot police. 38 demonstrators, 18 of them women, were detained and taken to Eminönü Police HQ. During the last two months more than 200 people have been arrested in connection with the campaign on education in Kurdish. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, February 27, 2002)

    Detentions and Arrests

    In Diyarbakir two alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, Erdal Kaymak and Mustafa Apaydin, were detained. The security forces hold them responsible for the killing and injuring of prostitutes in 1993 and 1994. Güler Yildiz, who visited her daughter in Maras Prison on 23 February, Sacrifice Day, was detained when she left prison. She was arrested on 26 February. (Hürriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, February 27, 2002)

    Trial for Invitation in Kurdish

    The prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC indicted the teacher Recep Simsek from the Demir Çelik Primary School in Lice for an invitation to his wedding on 6 November 2001. The teacher will be charged with "supporting the PKK" because he printed the invitation in Kurdish. Following an administrative investigation the teacher had been dismissed from duty. On 8 December he was detained and interrogated by a prosecutor and a judge in Lice. The file was sent to Diyarbakir SSC on the assumption that the offence fell under the Law No. 3713 to Fight Terrorism. The prosecutor here decided to launch a case under Article 169 TPC. The hearing will start on 14 March. (Radikal-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    The Rector of Istanbul University terminated the investigation against students, who signed petitions for elective lessons in Kurdish. 30 students were indefinitely dismissed from university and 37 students were dismissed for two semesters. The students in question are: from the Faculty of Literature: Mehmet Korkmaz, Yilmaz Melek, Levent Duran, Nergis Ekinci, Ali Turgay, Inan Akin, Ruken Buken Isik, Sinan Güner, Yesim Sönmez, Baris Ulas Soysal, Mustafa Yildirim, Münir Ay, Salim Çinar; from the Faculty of Education: Mustafa Çaliskan, Mürsel Bek, Yavuz Uçak, Yüksel Ekine, Avni Dal, Nursel Yalçin, Ömer Sahin; from the Law Faculty: Yildiz Polat; from the Faculty for Communication: Cem Türker, Nurettin Firak, Özgün Açikalin, Turgay Dakak, Hakan Simsek; from the Faculty of Political Sciences: Fatma Kiraç, Hasim Gülen, Mehmet Emin Turan; from the Faculty for Social Sciences: Inci Açik. (Evrensel-TIHV, February 28, 2002)

    Attack on HADEP

    On 28 February Istanbul Criminal Court No. 7 continued to hear the case of Zeki Genç for his attack on offices of the HADEP in Sisli (Istanbul) in November 2001. The defendant (under arrest) and co-defendants Bülent Sat and Turgay Aras, charged with having provided the arms for the defendants, but not under arrest, participated. Bülent Sat testified to the effect that he only advised the defendant to speak to Turgay Aras, who wanted to sell his pistol. Turgay Aras stated that he sold his pistol to the defendant, but had nothing to do with his actions. The court rejected a written defense stating that the defendant did not have his senses together and ordered that a report by a military hospital in Ankara of 1995 should be inspected. The hearing was adjourned to 28 March. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    Campaign for Education in Kurdish

    In Elazig Mehmet Nafiz Koç, former chairman of the teachers' trade union Egitim-Sen in Elazig, was arrested on 28 February. He will be charged under Article 169 TPC, because he asked for education in Kurdish during a program of "Medya TV". In Adana 16 students were detained around midnight on 27 February. They had signed petitions for education in Kurdish, handed over to the rector of Çukurova University. On 28 February Izmir SSC heard the case of 10 students, two of them in pre-trial detention. The prosecutor asked for acquittal, stating that signing petitions was a constitutional right. However, the court sentenced Berivan Alatas, Hatip Aydin and Sanem Erdil to 45 months' imprisonment. The other students were acquitted.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, March 1, 2002)

    MINORITES / MINORITIES

    Le PE confirme la reconnaissance du génocide arménien

    Le Parlement européen a adopté jeudi un rapport consacré à la situation dans les trois pays du Caucase, l'Azerbaïdjan, la Géorgie et l'Arménie, ainsi qu'une résolution sur le HADEP, accusé par les autorités d'Ankara d'entretenir des liens avec la rébellion kurde armée.

    Le rapport du Parlement européen, émanant du député vert suédois Per Gahrton, appelle la Turquie "à mettre fin au blocus décrété contre l'Arménie et à créer les conditions de la réconciliation", a-t-on appris de source parlementaire.

    Il rappelle également la position prise par le Parlement européen dans une résolution du 18 juin 1987 "où il reconnaît le génocide perpétré contre les Arméniens en 1915", sous l'empire ottoman, a-t-on ajouté de même source.

    Le représentant de la Turquie à la Convention sur l'avenir de l'Europe a réagi jeudi avec irritation à l'adoption du rapport rappelant le "génocide perpétré contre les Arméniens en 1915".

    "Le Parlement européen n'a pas pour mission d'émettre des jugements sur l'histoire", a estimé le vice-Premier ministre turc et représentant de la Turquie à la Convention, Mesut Yilmaz.

    "Nous considérons les décisions du Parlement européen à propos du soit-disant génocide arménien et l'interdiction du 'Hadep' comme inacceptables", a ajouté Mesut Yilmaz dans une déclaration.

    La Turquie rejette catégoriquement la thèse du génocide et avance que des milliers de Turcs sont également morts dans une situation de 'guerre civile' coïncidant avec la Première Guerre Mondiale.

    Les efforts d'Erevan pour obtenir la reconnaissance internationale des massacres de 1915 comme génocide est l'une des raisons pour lesquelles la Turquie n'entretient pas de relations diplomatiques avec son voisin arménien.

    Mesut Yilmaz a cependant réaffirmé l'objectif de la Turquie de rejoindre l'Union européenne (UE). Ankara a le statut de candidat à l'UE mais n'a pas engagé les négociations d'adhésion avec Bruxelles.

    Mesut Yilmaz représente la Turquie à la Convention sur l'avenir de l'Europe dont la séance inaugurale s'est tenue jeudi à Bruxelles. (AFP, 28 février 2002)

    Des députés turcs condamnent la résolution européenne

    Des députés turcs représentant l'ensemble des formations parlementaires ont condamné jeudi la résolution du Parlement européen (PE) appelant Ankara à reconnaître le génocide de centaines de milliers d'Arméniens dans les dernières années de l'empire ottoman.

    Dans un communiqué conjoint, les six partis politiques, trois membres de la coalition gouvernementale et trois de l'opposition, ont qualifié la résolution du PE de "déni conscient de la réalité historique" et d'"acceptation des revendications sans fondement des Arméniens".

    "L'Histoire ne peut être manipulée par des jugements arbitraires", dit le texte, lu en assemblée plénière par le vice-président du parlement, Yuksel Yalova.

    "La réponse du parlement turc à cette résolution arbitraire du Parlement européen est la vérité historique, et cette vérité est de notre côté", a-t-il ajouté.

    Le ministère turc des Affaires étrangères a de son côté condamné la résolution du PE, estimant qu'une évaluation politique des événements du passé par des parlementaires ne pouvait que "déformer l'histoire unilatéralement".

    "La résolution et le rapport sont aussi en contradiction avec les efforts déployés pour développer les relations entre l'Union européeenne et la Turquie", candidate à l'UE depuis décembre 1999, a affirmé le ministère dans une déclaration écrite. (AFP, 28 février 2002)

    Tension turco-suédoise à cause d'une brochure

    Le ministère turc des Affaires étrangères a formellement protesté samedi devant le numéro deux de l'ambassade de Suède à Ankara contre le contenu d'une brochure suédoise concernant l'histoire de la Turquie, distribuée la veille pendant une rencontre bilatérale à Izmir (ouest).

    La brochure, publiée en Suède et préfacée par le Premier ministre suédois Goeran Persson, affirme que le mot "Turc" ne fait pas référence à un peuple ou une nation, mais à un groupe linguistique, selon les informations publiées dans la presse turque.

    Selon le quotidien Milliyet, on peut également lire dans la brochure que 1,5 million d'Arméniens ont été massacrés par des unités militaires de l'Empire ottoman, composées principalement de Kurdes, au début du 20ème siècle, et que les Turcs se sont ensuite retournés contre les Kurdes, tuant environ 800.000 d'entre eux, par crainte du séparatisme kurde.

    Le ministère turc des Affaires étrangères a jugé "inacceptable" le contenu de la brochure, ajoutant que l'ambassadeur de Suède en Turquie, Mme Anne Dismorr, serait également convoquée pour des explications, dès qu'elle serait rentrée d'Izmir où la brochure a été distribuée vendredi pendant une réunion organisée par des hommes d'affaires locaux à laquelle participait Mme Dismorr.

    Le chargé d'affaires suédois a pour sa part fait valoir, selon le ministère turc qui l'a reçu, que l'Institut suédois, qui avait publié la brochure, était une institution indépendante, et que la préface du Premier ministre était un texte standard utilisé pour des brochures similaires concernant les pays membres de l'UE et les Etats candidats à l'adhésion.

    Une manifestation de sympathisants ultra-nationalistes s'est présentée le 9 février devant le Consulat de Suède à Istanbul pour protester contre une brochure "portant atteinte à l'Etat turc", se dispersant sans incident, selon l'agence Anatolie.

    Le groupe, constitué d'un petit nombre de membres des "Foyers d'idéalistes", vaste association liée au Parti de l'action nationaliste, actuellement membre de la coalition au pouvoir, brandissait des pancartes et a clamé des slogans, d'après la même source. (AFP, 2-9 février 2002)

    Detention of Missionaries

    Interior Minister Rüstü Kazim Yücelen answered a question tabled by Trabzon MP Seref Malkoç on ativities of missionaries in Turkey. He stated that since 1998 a total of 293 persons had been detained in connection with such activities; 140 of Turkish origin and 153 foreigners. The Minister claimed that these activities and ethic activities for "Pontos" (Greek formation at the Black Sea) were not necessarily related to each other. (Hürriyet-TIHV, February 13, 2002)

    Le patriarche Bartholomée sera reçu par Bush

    Le plus haut dignitaire de l'Eglise orthodoxe, le patriarche oecuménique Bartholomée Ier, sera reçu mardi prochain à la Maison Blanche par le Président George W. Bush et plusieurs officiels américains, a-t-il annoncé jeudi à Istanbul.

    "J'ai reçu une invitation de la Maison Blanche pour rencontrer le président Bush durant 30 minutes, mardi prochain à 15h25", a indiqué Bartholomée Ier lors d'un point de presse.

    Le même mardi matin, le patriarche sera également reçu au Département d'Etat par Colin Powell, après un entretien "privé" lundi soir avec le vice-président Dick Cheney, a-t-il encore précisé.

    "Notre entretien (avec George Bush) portera essentiellement sur le rôle et l'importance des religions dans la lutte contre le terrorisme, pour promouvoir le dialogue et prévenir le fanatisme", a dit Bartolomée Ier, "supposant" que le président américain demanderait de lui faire part de son "expérience en Iran".

    Le 12 janvier dernier, le patriarche oecuménique avait effectué sa première visite en Iran, qualifiée d'"historique", pour prôner le rapprochement entre les religions. Il avait été reçu par le Guide de la République islamique, l'ayatollah Ali Khamenei, et le président Mohammad Khatami.

    Bartholomée Ier effectue une visite d'une semaine aux Etats-Unis à partir de lundi 4 mars à l'occasion du 80e anniversaire de la création de l'Archevêché grec orthodoxe d'Amérique.

    Il rencontrera les autres leaders orthodoxes (Russes, Bulgares, Roumains...) présents à New-York, célèbrera une messe en la cathédrale de la ville, et se rendra à "ground zero" pour prier à la mémoire des victimes des attentats du 11 septembre, a-t-il précisé. (AFP, 28 février 2002)

    SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC

    Inflation: +73,2% sur un an en Turquie

    Les prix à la consommation ont progressé de 5,3% en janvier en Turquie par rapport à leur niveau de décembre, soit une progression de 73,2% sur un an, a annoncé dimanche l'Institut des statistiques d'Etat (DIE)

    Les prix de gros ont progressé de 4,2 % de décembre à janvier et de 92% sur un an, selon l'Institut.

    La hausse des prix est repartie en flèche depuis une sévère crise économique fin février 2001, qui avait fait dérailler un plan anti-inflation mis au point avec le Fonds monétaire international (FMI).

    Grâce au plan du FMI, l'inflation avait été ramenée à 39% en 2000.

    En mai 2001, Ankara avait conclu un nouveau programme avec le FMI avec une prévision d'inflation de 60% pour 2001, mais elle a finalement atteint 68,5%.

    Le Conseil d'administration du FMI se réunit lundi pour examiner un nouvel accord stand-by sur trois ans avec Ankara pour combler un trou budgétaire de 10 milliards de dollars.

    L'objectif du gouvernement pour 2002 est de ramener la hausse des prix à la consommation à 35% et celle des prix de gros à 31%. (AFP, 3 février 2002)

    L'angoisse d'une prochaine secousse encore pire

    Le fort séisme, qui a fait 44 morts dans l'ouest de la Turquie dimanche, a replongé le pays dans l'angoisse d'une prochaine secousse beaucoup plus violente et des insuffisances de la prévention face à un fléau inéluctable et répétitif.

    Les travaux de recherches pour retrouver d'éventuelles victimes étaient terminés lundi dans la région de Bolvadin, épicentre du séisme de magnitude 6 sur l'échelle ouverte de Richter, et les sauveteurs n'avaient dégagé aucun survivant des décombres.

    Le principal problème était d'abriter les milliers de sans-logis qui ont passé la nuit dehors par des températures d'environ moins 10° Celsius, autour de feux et sous des couvertures ou dans des tentes pour les plus chanceux.

    "Nous avons peur de rentrer dans nos maisons. Il y a eu des secousses toute la nuit", expliquait à l'AFP Salih Kocer, un veilleur de nuit de Cay, après avoir passé la nuit dans une tente de fortune confectionnée avec des couvertures.

    Le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit a fait état d'un nouveau bilan de 44 morts et 318 blessés - le précédent était de 45 morts et plus de 200 blessés. Il a précisé que le Croissant Rouge avait expédié plus de 3.200 tentes, 11.000 couvertures et 2.480 appareils de chauffage dans la région, et enverrait d'ici à lundi soir 4.000 tentes supplémentaires, 10.000 couvertures et 1.000 réchauds.

    Le séisme a durement frappé les petites villes de Sultandagi et Cay, et a pratiquement rayé de la carte le village d'Eber, 2.000 habitants, aux maisons traditionnelles en pisé ou bois, construit sur une zone instable et marécageuse.

    "Il n'a fallu que quelques secondes pour que le village soit détruit. Quelle idée de construire sur ce terrain!", expliquait à l'AFP un secouriste, sous couvert de l'anonymat. Les autorités auraient dû "depuis longtemps", selon lui, évacuer cette localité. "Ils ont peut-être tenté de le faire, mais il est difficile de reloger les gens", ajoutait-il.

    Seuls quelques immeubles en béton sont restés debout à Eber.

    La nouvelle secousse a ainsi relancé un débat sur les mesures de prévention, récurrent depuis les deux forts tremblements de terre, de 7,4 et 7,2 sur l'échelle de Richter, qui avaient frappé le nord-ouest en août et novembre 1999, faisant plus de 20.000 morts.

    La mauvaise qualité des constructions et le non respect des normes de sécurité anti-sismiques avaient largement contribué à ce lourd bilan.

    Toutes les recherches, effectuées depuis dans cette région, tiennent pour fortement probable un séisme, d'une magnitude supérieure ou égale à 7 sur l'échelle de Richter, sur la faille nord anatolienne qui passe sous la mer de Marmara, à quelques kilomètres à peine de la mégapole d'Istanbul.

    Mais "il n'y a pas que Marmara, c'est tout le pays qui est menacé par des séismes graves. Nous devrions être un pays qui ne perd aucune vie dans une telle catastrophe, et pour cela nous devons tous prendre nos responsabilités", a rappelé le sismologue Ahmet Mete Isikara, lors d'une conférence de presse.

    "Beaucoup de bâtiments ne sont pas contrôlés en Anatolie, cela équivaut à un meurtre", a-t-il dit.

    Il a relevé que la Commission de contrôle du Bâtiment n'opérait pas dans la région frappée dimanche. Or, il est "obligatoire" que cette institution activée récemment travaille sur l'ensemble du territoire turc, a souligné le sismologue, très écouté et populaire en Turquie.

    La Grèce, la France et l'Allemagne ont été parmi les premiers pays à envoyer leurs condoléances et à proposer leur aide, mais l'ampleur relativement circonscrite des dégâts devrait la rendre inutile. (AFP, 4 février 2002)

    Des sinistrés bloquent le convoi du président

    Le président turc, Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a été vivement interpellé jeudi par des sinistrés excédés par l'insuffisance de l'aide des autorités après le séisme qui a fait 44 morts dimanche dans la province d'Afyon (ouest).

    Des habitants du petit village de Deresenek, situé entre Sultandagi et Eber, deux localités durement touchées par le sinistre, ont bloqué la route au passage du convoi du chef de l'Etat, certains en se couchant par terre, lui demandant d'intervenir personnellement pour qu'ils figurent dans la liste des villages recevant une assistance publique.

    "L'Etat nous a oubliés, pourquoi nous avoir oubliés?", a lancé une habitante d'une cinquantaine d'années qui s'est jetée vers la voiture du président avant d'en être éloignée par des gardes du corps irrités.

    M. Sezer, originaire lui-même d'Afyon, le ministre du Logement Abdulkadir Akcan et le chef d'état-major des armées, le général Huseyin Kivrikoglu, ont alors changé leur itinéraire pour se rendre à Deresenek, qui ne figurait pas dans leur programme.

    Accueilli avec des ovations, M. Sezer a promis aux habitants, qui se plaignaient d'une "indifférence" des autorités, que les travaux pour répertorier les dégâts seraient entamés dans les plus brefs délais.

    Quelque 12.000 tentes ont été distribuées aux sans-abri depuis dimanche, mais les autorités locales ont fait une demande au Croissant-Rouge pour l'envoi de 8.000 autres, selon l'agence Anatolie.

    La gendarmerie nationale a ordonné à ses unités dans la zone sinistrée de veiller à l'ordre public et à la sécurité, pour éviter les tentatives de vol ou de pillage dans les nombreuses habitations qui se sont effondrées ou ont subi des dégâts. (AFP, 7 février 2002)

    Le FMI récompense un fidèle allié des Etats-Unis

    Le crédit de 16 mds de dollars octroyé à la Turquie par le FMI pour endiguer sa crise économique est un ballon d'oxygène qui doit sortir des "soins intensifs" un pays récompensé notamment pour son soutien à la campagne anti-terroriste de Washington, estimaient mardi les analystes.

    Ce crédit du Fonds monétaire international doit soutenir le programme économique du gouvernement turc de 2002 à 2004. Il pourra retirer immédiatement 9 mds de dollars, a annoncé un porte-parole du FMI à Washington.

    Depuis décembre 1999, le Fonds a accordé quelque 31 mds USD à la Turquie, frappée en novembre 2000 par une crise du secteur bancaire suivie d'une autre plus grave en février 2001, entraînant une chute de la livre turque de 60% face au dollar, une explosion de l'inflation et une forte récession, avec un recul de 8,3% du Produit intérieur brut.

    "C'est du jamais vu dans l'histoire du Fonds", souligne un analyste économique étranger. "Ce nouveau prêt bat tous les records, car il correspond à environ 2.500% du quota de la Turquie (NDLR: l'argent qu'elle a déposé auprès du Fonds). Par comparaison, fin décembre, les prêts à l'Argentine représentaient 800% de son quota et ceux à la Turquie 1.550%", relève-t-il.

    "Le FMI avait besoin d'un succès", note-t-il.

    "En outre, cela apparaît aux yeux d'un grand nombre d'observateurs comme un pré-paiement pour l'Irak", ajoute-t-il, allusion à l'éventualité d'une attaque américaine contre Bagdad alors que Washington veut se débarrasser du régime de Saddam Hussein.

    Pour ce faire, l'appui de la Turquie voisine est essentiel. Même si Ankara redoute qu'une telle attaque ne déstabilise la région et n'entraîne la création d'un Etat kurde dans le nord de l'Irak qui réveillerait le séparatisme de ses propres Kurdes.

    Bon nombre d'éditorialistes turcs s'étaient ainsi félicité de la prompte déclaration de soutien du FMI à la Turquie en décembre, alors qu'il chipotait encore envers l'Argentine, y voyant un lien avec l'engagement de la Turquie dans la lutte anti-terroriste américaine.

    "C'est une bonne nouvelle, mais nous nous y attendions depuis que la Turquie s'est engagée dans la campagne contre le terrorisme, après les attentats du 11 septembre (aux Etats-Unis)", commente Murat Ozer, chef du Trésor chez Alternatifbank.

    L'octroi du nouveau prêt avait été largement anticipé par les marchés, sur la foi de déclarations optimistes de M. Dervis dès octobre, qui avaient provoqué l'euphorie des marchés, regonflé la bourse et la livre turque, et fait baisser les taux d'intérêt.

    La Turquie "est sortie des soins intensifs, nous entamons une nouvelle période", a commenté le ministre de l'Economie Kemal Dervis.

    En accord avec le Fonds, il a engagé l'an dernier une politique de rigueur budgétaire et d'assainissement du secteur financier, avec une impressionnante série de réformes.

    La Turquie n'est toutefois pas encore hors de danger.

    Selon Haluk Burumcekci, directeur des analyses à la Disbank, "cet argent va d'abord aller à la réhabilitation du secteur bancaire, et aussi, dans une moindre mesure, devrait alimenter des crédits pour le secteur productif", ravagé par la crise. "Récemment, on notait des mouvements positifs (de l'activité productive), mais rien qui annonce véritablement une reprise", note-t-il.

    "J'ai peur que, dans un futur proche, les objectifs de croissance (NDLR: 3% hors inflation cette année) ne puissent être remplis. Quant à l'objectif d'inflation de 35% (68,5% l'an dernier), elle est en contradiction avec les taux d'intérêt à court terme qui sont à 80%. Je crains que ce soit le plus gros problème qui va se poser", souligne M. Ozer. (AFP, 5 février 2002)

    Crise économique: l'exaspération des Turcs à son comble

    Ibrahim Haluk Erenler en a eu assez : ce chauffeur de taxi criblé de dettes a garé sa voiture devant le bureau du Premier ministre, en est descendu et a demandé en hurlant une audience à Bulent Ecevit.

    Lorsque les forces de sécurité ont remarqué sa présence, il est retourné à son véhicule et l'a incendié avant d'être maîtrisé.

    Les manifestations de ce genre sont devenues tristement banales devant le siège du gouvernement à Ankara, depuis que la crise économique qui a éclaté il y a un an, avec le décrochage de la livre turque du système de parité fixe le 22 février, a plongé d'innombrables Turcs dans la misère.

    Elle a commencé par une dispute entre M. Ecevit et le président Ahmet Necdet Sezer, qui a détruit le peu de confiance restant dans la politique de réformes hésitante du gouvernement.

    Lorsque M. Ecevit a qualifié publiquement cette dispute de "grave crise" au sommet de l'Etat, tout s'est effondré : la bourse, la livre turque --et les taux d'intérêt ont atteint des milliers en pourcentage.

    Depuis, le gouvernement, aidé par les milliards de dollars qu'a injectés le Fonds monétaire international (FMI), a engagé une vaste série de réformes, en particulier la modernisation d'un secteur bancaire pléthorique et en pleine déliquescence.

    Mais la difficulté de prendre une orientation radicalement nouvelle après des décennies de mauvaise gestion se reflète dans la lutte contre l'un de principaux problèmes de la Turquie : la corruption.

    Elle était, déjà, à l'origine de la dispute entre MM. Sezer et Ecevit : le président a reproché au gouvernement de lutter trop mollement contre la corruption, ce qui a entraîné un échange verbal acide, et les deux hommes se sont jeté à la figure un exemplaire de la constitution.

    Pourtant, une étude de l'institut de recherche réputé d'Istanbul Tesev, publiée un an après la crise, est venue démontrer à quel point la colère de M. Sezer était justifiée, et combien peu a été fait depuis : 46% des 1.200 entrepreneurs interrogés ont été contraints de corrompre des fonctionnaires au cours des deux dernières années.

    Douaniers et policiers trônent en tête du hit-parade des corrompus. Mais un entrepreneur sur trois a aussi dû corrompre un juge ou autre représentant de la justice, des municipalités ou des services financiers.

    "Donne moi de l'argent pour m'acheter un bol de soupe", demandent les policiers responsables de la circulation lorsqu'ils veulent un bakchich.

    La "soupe" s'achète dans tout le pays. Et la Banque mondiale, qui soutient le pays avec le FMI à coup de milliards de dollars depuis le début de la crise, a pressé le gouvernement turc d'agir plus fermement contre le phénomène.

    Pas facile, car les pots-de-vin font partie de la vie quotidienne et de celle de l'appareil d'Etat.

    Il est ainsi d'usage d'affecter certains fonctionnaires dans une ville particulièrement juteuse en revenus tirés de ces pratiques frauduleuses afin qu'ils puissent tranquillement se remplir les poches.

    Même les hauts fonctionnaires "améliorent" leurs salaires. Une télévision turque a récemment fait scandale en filmant deux hauts fonctionnaires d'Ankara en train de recevoir des pots-de-vin d'un de ses journalistes qui se faisait passer pour un entrepreneur.

    "La raison de la crise économique réside dans la corruption", a souligné M. Sezer en présentant l'étude de la Tesev la semaine dernière.

    Une lutte plus déterminée et efficace contre le phénomène est une composante essentielle des réformes qu'Ankara s'est engagé à mettre en oeuvre pour juguler la crise.

    Le président a appelé la justice à être plus vigilante et à punir sévèrement les politiciens corrompus. Mais ce sont justement eux qui ont le moins intérêt à changer la situation actuelle. (AFP, 18 février 2002)

    AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS

    Une association alévi-bektasi fermée par la justice

    Une Cour criminelle d'Ankara a décidé mercredi de fermer une association fondée par des Alévis, un groupe confessionel musulman progressiste, jugeant qu'elle était de nature à promouvoir un séparatisme religieux, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

    L'Association de culture Alevi-Bektasi s'est d'abord vue accorder un délai légal de 30 jours pour changer de nom par le ministère de l'Intérieur et a été consécutivement fermée par la Cour pour ne l'avoir pas fait, précise l'agence.

    Dans son réquisitoire, le procureur a demandé que l'association soit fermée aux termes de la loi sur les organisations et associations qui intertit toute "activité au nom d'une région, d'une race, d'une classe sociale, d'une religion ou d'une secte".

    Le droit d'association et de culte est garantie par la constitution turque qui interdit cependant toute organisation sous le nom d'une communauté ou d'une religion comme les Kurdes et les Alévis.

    Les Alévis, groupe confessionnel musulman progressiste et farouchement pro-laïque, représentent entre un sixième et un tiers de la population en Turquie qui est de 67,8 millions.

    Souvent de condition modeste et s'estimant réprimés depuis des siècles dans les administrations dominées par les sunnites, ils sont fortement représentés dans les organisations de gauche notamment. (AFP, 13 février 2002)

    Un chef islamiste associe la contraception à une "trahison"

    Le chef du parti islamiste turc Justice et développement (AK), Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a estimé samedi que les efforts du gouvernement turc pour réduire le taux de natalité par des moyens de contraception constituaient, à ses yeux, une "trahison de l'Etat".

    "Recommander à ce peuple de ne pas procréer est carrément une trahison de l'Etat, c'est vouloir l'effacer de l'histoire et de la surface de la terre", a-t-il dit devant une foule surexcitée lors de l'inauguration du bureau local de son parti dans le secteur de Sultanbeyli, un fief islamiste, situé dans la partie asiatique d'Istanbul.

    Il a conseillé à la foule, cité par l'agence Anatolie, de "faire des enfants" car "Allah le veut ainsi".

    M. Erdogan, leader charismatique et ex-maire d'Istanbul, avait proposé la semaine dernière d'interdire la vente d'alcool dans les lieux publics en Turquie, pays musulman mais dont l'Etat est laïque, provoquant une vive controverse parmi l'opinion publique et les médias.

    Il avait pourtant affirmé avoir pris ses distances avec la rhétorique islamiste et affiché une image plus libérale ces dernières années.

    Les autorités turques ont réussi, durant cette dernière décennie, à faire baisser la forte natalité par de vastes campagnes encourageant l'usage des contraceptifs. (AFP, 16 février 2002)

    Merve Kavakci poursuivie pour insulte à la Turquie

    Le parquet d'Istanbul a ouvert lundi des poursuites contre une femme politique islamiste pour "insulte contre l'Etat turc", peine passible de un à 6 ans de prison, a indiqué l'agence Anatolie.

    Merve Kavakci est poursuivie pour des propos tenus lors d'une interview à la télévision qatarie Al Jazeera, au cours de laquelle elle avait dénoncé les "attaques et diffamations" de la Turquie contre les femmes portant le foulard.

    Elle s'était rendue célèbre en se présentant au parlement, après avoir été élue députée d'Istanbul aux législatives de 1999 sur les listes du parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet), en portant un foulard, provoquant la colère des députés pro-laïques qui l'avaient empêchée de prêter serment.

    Le port du foulard est interdit en Turquie dans la fonction publique et les universités comme marque de prosélytisme religieux.

    Le Fazilet a entre-temps été interdit par la Cour constitutionnelle pour activités anti-laïques, notamment en raison de l'apparition de Mme Kavakci au parlement avec un foulard.

    Le gouvernement avait par la suite déchu la députée de sa nationalité sous prétexte qu'elle avait obtenu la nationalité américaine sans en informer les autorités turques.

    Les élites pro-laïques, emmenées par la puissante armée turque, pourchassent en permanence toute manifestation de l'islam politique, y voyant un danger pour le pays et son orientation pro-occidentale. (AFP, 18 février 2002)

    Trois militants présumés d'al-Qaïda interpellés en Turquie

    Trois militants islamistes, entraînés dans des camps talibans afghans et interpellés récemment à Van (est de la Turquie), ont été écroués dans cette ville après avoir comparu dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi devant une Cour de sûreté de l'Etat (DGM), a indiqué l'agence Anatolie.

    Les juges de la DGM de Van ont décidé d'arrêter formellement les trois hommes au terme d'une audience de près de dix heures pour détention de faux passeports et tentative d'attentat criminel.

    Les trois suspects ont été ensuite conduits à la prison de haute sécurité de la ville sous un important dispositif policier, ajoute l'agence.

    Ces trois hommes, deux Palestiniens et un Jordanien, membres de l'organisation proche-orientale Beyyiat el-imam (l'union des imams), ont été interpellés le 15 février à Edremit, à environ 150 km de la frontière iranienne, après avoir franchi illégalement la frontière irano-turque.

    Ils projetaient un attentat suicide à Tel-Aviv ou Ramat Gan, selon la police turque.

    Lors de leur interrogatoire préliminaire, les trois suspects ont déclaré avoir gagné l'Iran après les attentats terroristes du 11 septembre aux Etats-Unis et se sont identifiés, selon le porte-parole de la police Feyzullah Arslan, comme Firas Souleïman (24 ans), Moustafa Hassan (25 ans) et Ahmet Mahmoudi (25 ans).

    La Turquie, seul pays musulman de l'OTAN, a soutenu la campagne antiterroriste menée par les Etats-Unis en Afghanistan au lendemain des attentats du 11 septembre. (AFP, 19 février 2002)

    RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST

    Rapport de deux ONGs sur la situation en Turquie

    Deux organisations non gouvernementales dotées du statut consultatif général, le Centre Europe-Tiers Monde et Nord-Sud XXI, ont présenté à la Commission des droits de l'Homme de l'ONU qui est distribuée le 15 janvier 2002 conformément à la résolution 1996/31 du Conseil économique et social:

    1. La crise économique en Turquie, qui s'est aggravée après la dévaluation de la livre turque d'environ 30 % face au dollar en novembre 2000, puis par la récession financière en février 2001, n'a pas uniquement bouleversé les marchés financiers mais a aussi créé une dégradation des conditions de vie de millions de citoyens turcs. La dimension économique s'est ainsi accompagnée d'une détérioration de la vie sociale en même temps qu'une augmentation des violations des droits humains.

    Plan gouvernemental en échec

    2. Le gouvernement turc a affirmé sa volonté de gérer cette crise par un programme de "management de la crise", comprenant notamment le Programme de Transition à une économie forte (GEGP). Selon le discours officiel, le programme en question visait à atteindre des objectifs en matière de i) taux de croissance ii) inflation iii) financement du secteur publique iv) endettement domestique et extérieur v) taux d'intérêt et cours des devises. Dans un délai de 9 mois, aucune prévision du programme ne s'est réalisée, excepté dans le secteur public. Ce programme ne comprenait aucun plan social dans un contexte de chômage et d'extrême précarité du marché de travail.

    3. En comparaison avec les chiffres de l'année 2000, l'économie turque avait besoin de 21 milliards de dollars de liquidités. Les institutions financières internationales ont récemment (décembre 2001) débloqué 19 milliards de dollars. mais la totalité du remboursement de la dette extérieure dépend toujours des crédits officiels et des crédits du FMI et de la Banque Mondiale. Le 16ème Plan de stabilisation économique imposé par le FMI (dont le programme pour la Turquie est par son ampleur le deuxième après l'Argentine) oblige le pays à s'engager dans un processus détruisant ses propres ressources économiques et humaines.

    Une situation économique catastrophique

    4. Le recul de la croissance économique en Turquie a atteint son niveau record depuis les 56 dernières années, selon la recherche publiée par les Chambres de Commerce le 22 décembre 2001. Le PIB a régressé durant les premiers neuf mois de l'année 2001 de 8.3%; chiffre comparable aux 9.8% de la période de la seconde guerre mondiale. Cette décroissance a provoqué un processus d'appauvrissement des couches les plus défavorisées qui étaient déjà bouleversées par: les coups d'état; par une guerre de 15 ans contre le mouvement kurde; par un engagement coûteux de l'élite politique dans la guerre du Golfe en 1991; par la crise de l'année 1994, lors de laquelle les Conventions collectives des 620.000 travailleurs de l'Etat ont même été suspendues par le gouvernement, en violation des conventions nationales et internationales.

    Les dépenses militaires grèvent le budget

    5. Les dépenses militaires de la Turquie représentent une des sources les plus importantes de la crise. On estime que la guerre menée par l'armée turque contre le mouvement kurde a déjà coûté 10 milliards de dollars par an, pendant plus de quinze ans. La Turquie entend dépenser quelque 150 milliards de dollars dans les prochaines années pour moderniser son armée, cela signifie que 10% du budget national est attribué aux dépenses militaires. De plus, l'Etat-major turc s'apprête à lancer un appel d'offres pour la coproduction en Turquie de plus de 300 systèmes électroniques de guerre qui équiperont tous les hélicoptères. Malgré la crise qui bouleverse la vie des citoyens, l'armée turque projette en outre de grands achats d'armement et des avions sans pilote (UAV) pour un montant estimé environ à 6 milliards de dollars.

    La corruption généralisée

    6. Dans ce contexte de crise d'une économie orientée vers le secteur militaire, la corruption représente un des problèmes les plus urgents aux yeux de la population turque (après l'inflation et la cherté de la vie et le chômage), selon une enquête réalisée par une fondation privée (la Fondation turque des Études économiques et Sociales).

    Violations des droits fondamentaux

    7. Par ailleurs, d'après l'organisation Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF), "les professionnels des médias ont été entravés dans l'exercice de leur profession" surtout quand ils se réfèrent aux problèmes de la corruption au sein du pouvoir. 2800 professionnels du métier ont été licenciés, selon l'Association turque des journalistes contemporains (CGD), car "les patrons de la presse voient dans la crise un moyen de se séparer des éléments les plus incontrôlables et d'exercer un chantage à l'emploi et au salaire sur les autres". RSF pour sa part estime que les autorités turques ont recours à un arsenal législatif répressif pour faire taire ceux qui brisent les tabous de la République kémaliste, c'est-à-dire la question des minorités, les droits de l'homme et le rôle de l'armée et des forces de la police dans la société turque. RSF rappelle que cinq journalistes sont emprisonnés, dont l'une a été violée. A cela s'ajoute: 12 journalistes attaqués, 65 journalistes arrêtés et 129 journaux et revues confisqués, 41 chaînes de télévision fermées par les autorités durant la période de septembre 2000 et mars 2001. Le gouvernorat d'Istanbul a prévenu "qu'il se montrerait particulièrement vigilant contre certains 'traîtres' qui tenteraient 'd'exploiter' la crise économique lors des manifestations". Cette menace contre les libertés élémentaires devançait une opération menée par les forces de gendarmerie dans les prisons à l'encontre de prisonniers politiques en grève de la faim, qui refusaient d'être transférés vers des établissements pénitentiaires d'isolement. Le 19 décembre 2000, l'intervention brutale des forces de l'ordre dans une vingtaine de prisons s'est soldée par la mort de trente prisonniers. La grève de la faim qui se poursuit depuis plus d'une année a déjà coûté la vie de 84 prisonniers et membres de leurs familles.

    8. Le programme de stabilisation économique, mis en place en décembre 1999 par le gouvernement, a provoqué en 6 mois la perte de 120.000 emplois, selon les chiffres officiels. Selon les associations des petites entreprises, 14.000 entreprises familiales ont cessé leurs activités, des chiffres confirmés par la Fondation des études économiques et sociales de Turquie. Pour le premier trimestre de l'année 2001, 358.000 personnes ont perdu leur emploi, selon l'Institut National des Statistiques. La crise sociale se concrétise par une prostitution importante, une violence accrue dans la vie quotidienne, des suicides en augmentation de 70%, selon une étude dirigée par le Dr Farouk Guclu de l'Université d'Abant.

    Répression à l'encontre des syndicats

    9. Dans ce contexte de crise, les syndicats, qui visent à dénoncer la pauvreté, la corruption et les violations des droits économiques et sociaux, ont organisé des manifestations dans 17 villes pendant deux mois. Les actions syndicales ont été réprimées plusieurs fois par la police anti-émeute qui est intervenue violemment, arrêtant des centaines de travailleuses et travailleurs. Les membres des syndicats qui se sont rassemblés suite à l'appel des Confédérations ont été dispersés par les forces de l'ordre à Ankara, Samsun et autres métropoles. Une manifestation organisée par la Confédération des syndicats des services publics (KESK) à Diyarbakir contre les transferts forcés de militants syndicaux d'une ville à une autre a été dispersée violemment. L'ensemble de la direction du Syndicat des employés des institutions juridiques et pénitentiaires (Yargi-sen) accusée par les tribunaux semi-militaires de dénoncer les violations des droits humains dans les prisons, a démissionné après avoir été jugée par la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat d'Ankara. Le gouverneur de la Ville de Tunceli a déposé une circulaire publique interdisant toutes activités des partis politiques, des syndicats et des ONGs. Les plates-formes unitaires des syndicats à Ankara, Istanbul et Diyarbakir ont été empêchées d'organiser des journées de protestations contre le programme économique anti-social. La police est intervenue par la force et a interpellé une dizaine de leaders syndicaux. A Mersin, ville industrielle de l'Anatolie du sud, une dizaine de membres des syndicats affiliés à la KESK ont été blessés par la police suite à une manifestation contre le projet de loi déniant le droit de grève. Dans la même période, 12 étudiants de l'Université technique d'Istanbul qui avaient organisé un boycott contre la cherté de la vie universitaire ont été mis en garde-à-vue selon le syndicat des enseignants Egitim-is. Après le mois de mars, de nombreux dirigeants de syndicats ont été interpellés, arrêtés, même torturés et leurs bureaux attaqués par les forces de l'ordre, à savoir des dirigeants de Haber-is (syndicat de la communication), TUMTIS (syndicats des travailleurs de transports et des dépots), Basin-is (Syndicat des travailleurs de l'imprimerie et de la presse), Egitim-sen (Syndicat des enseignants), Liman-is (Syndicat des travailleurs des docks).

    Répression au Kurdistan turc et à Istanbul

    10. Cette période de crise coïncide également avec une augmentation des violations des droits humains dans la région kurde et dans l'Ouest de la Turquie. Osman Baydemir, Président de la section de l'Association des droits humains (IHD) à Diyarbakir, attire surtout l'attention sur les exécutions extrajudiciaires des militants kurdes à Bingol. Le rapport du mois de mars 2001 de la dite association précise que 39 personnes ont été torturées dans la région. Dans un rapport du mois de septembre, on affirme clairement que les violations du droit à la vie, à la sécurité personnelle et à la protection contre la torture ont augmenté de manière alarmante. Par ailleurs, l'IHD a dénoncé une augmentation de 50 % des cas de torture et une spectaculaire multiplication des entraves à la liberté d'expression au cours des 9 derniers mois de l'année par rapport à l'année 2000. L'organisation a pu suivre 762 cas de tortures pendant 9 mois, contre 508 cas de tortures documentés pour la même période de l'an 2000. 1921 personnes ont été poursuivies pour des délits d'opinions, contre 254 l'an dernier, précise le rapport. En outre, la section d'Istanbul de l'IHD dénonce une augmentation des arrestations arbitraires au mois de mars. Parmi les 9.600 personnes arrêtées, 483 étaient des mineurs et entre le mois de septembre 2000 et le mois de mars 2001, 195 personnes se sont adressées à l'Association, munies de certificat médical concernant les tortures qu'elles ont subies en détention. L'unique réponse des autorités turques a été d'interpeller des défenseurs des droits humains, de tenter par voie judiciaire de fermer l'IHD et ironiquement de remettre en liberté les loups gris (forces paramilitaires d'extrême droite), même ceux qui se sont rendus à la police après avoir attaqué les locaux de la section d'Istanbul de l'IHD.

    Déplacement forcé des paysans kurdes

    11. Une autre conséquence de la crise économique et sociale est le déplacement forcé de la population kurde. D'après une déclaration publique faite conjointement par l'IHD, l'Association d'entraide sociale et culturelle des personnes déplacées (Goc-der) et d'autres ONGs, 3.700 villages ont été vidés de leurs habitants dans le "Sud-est de l'Anatolie" (Kurdistan turc) ou toute infrastructure (routes-éléctricité-irrigation-eau potable) est dorénavant détruite. L'interdiction d'utiliser des pâturages signifie la mort des paysans kurdes. D'autre part, selon Mustafa Sonmez, un chercheur sur le sujet, la région utilise seulement 10,2 % du budget national. Le revenu par famille de la région est 43 % inférieur à celui d'une famille habitant les régions de l'Ouest. Cet effondrement économique est "assuré" par les "gardiens de village", armés et payés par les autorités turques. En fait, on estime à 3,607 millions, les personnes qui sont déportées et qui y vivent dans des conditions précaires.

    Conclusions

    12. Les ONG signataires de la présente déclaration sont vivement préoccupées par la persistance des violations des droits humains en Turquie, en particulier celles commises au nom du maintien de "l'ordre public" pour réprimer les actions syndicales et priver les paysans kurdes déplacés de jouir de leurs droits fondamentaux. D'autant plus que le maintien au Kurdistan turc de l'état d'exception depuis 24 ans est en soi source de violations des droits humains.

    13. Tenant compte de la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme, des deux Pactes internationaux, de la Convention contre la torture, des Conventions pertinentes de l'OIT, en particulier les Conventions N° 87 et 98, les ONG signataires exhortent le gouvernement turc:
    à mettre en application les traités et les Conventions internationales relatives aux droits humains et aux droits du travail;
    à tenir compte de ses obligations en vertu de ces instruments lors de ses négociations avec les institutions financières internationales;
    à mettre fin aux arrestations arbitraires, à la pratique de la torture, aux entraves à la liberté d'association, à la liberté d'opinion et d'expression.

    14. Par ailleurs, se référant à l'alinéa 2 l'article 1er du Pacte international relatif aux droits économiques, sociaux et culturels qui précise que "en aucun cas, un peuple ne pourra être privé de ses moyens de subsistance", elles demandent à la Commission des droits de l'homme d'envoyer le Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général sur les personnes déplacées afin qu'il enquête sur la situation des paysans déplacés au Kurdistan turc et qu'il fasse des recommandations pour les mesures à prendre en vue de leur retour dans leurs villages. Au vu de la persistance de la pratique de la torture dans ce pays, les ONG signataires demandent également à la Commission des droits de l'homme d'envoyer le Rapporteur spécial sur la torture.

    Humour: Un forum sur la diversité culturelle à Istanbul

    La diplomatie européenne ne manque pas d'humour ni d'ailleurs d'hypocrisie. Alors que le premier forum ministériel entre l'Organisation de la Conférence Islamique et l'Union européenne (OCI-UE), les 12 et 13 février, à Istanbul, dégage un consensus de surface sur l'importance de la "tolérance", de la "compréhension mutuelle entre cultures", et insiste pour que "la résurgence de préjugés profondément enracinés" soit évitée, Ankara rejette tout dialogue avec la culture et la civilisation de ses 15 millions de citoyens kurdes, allant jusqu'à interdire des cours privés de kurde et la diffusion de chanson.

    Le forum "réaffirme sa ferme conviction que les cultures, dans leur diversité sont complémentaires et se renforcent mutuellement". Ismail Cem, ministre turc des affaires étrangères a également déclaré en clôture du forum que "cette réunion constitue un message d'espoir" et que la rencontre avait "réalisé son objectif de rassembler les deux organisations, ce qui constitue un encouragement à la paix et à la stabilité".

    En attendant la fondation turque des droits de l'homme (TIHV) a, le 13 février, révélé dans son rapport 2001 sur la situation des droits de l'homme en Turquie que les "pressions sont en augmentation en 2001".Yavuz Onen, président du TIHV, a déclaré: "Un changement de philosophie est nécessaire. Le projet existant est de créer une société sans différences. Le système requiert une seule religion, une seule langue, une seule identité nationale. Il ne peut tolérer la variété culturelle. Des personnes d'origines différentes devraient pouvoir vivre dans un environnement démocratique."

    Espérons que "l'esprit d'Istanbul" soufflera sur Ankara.

    Aucun ministre européen n'a jugé bon de relever le grotesque de la situation et d'inviter le gouvernement hôte à respecter déjà sur son sol la diversité des cultures et des langues. (CILDEKT, 15 février 2002)

    Hommage appuyé des Américains à la Turquie

    Plusieurs responsables américains ont rendu samedi un hommage appuyé à la Turquie, membre de l'OTAN mais non de l'Union européenne, lors de la Conférence internationale sur la sécurité à Munich (sud de l'Allemagne).

    Le secrétaire adjoint américain à la Défense, Paul Wolfowitz, a qualifié la Turquie de "modèle pour les aspirations du monde musulman au progrès démocratique et à la prospérité".

    "Ceux qui voudraient critiquer la Turquie pour ses problèmes mélangent ce qui est problématique avec ce qui est fondamental, ils se concentrent trop sur la situation de la Turquie aujourd'hui et ignorent le chemin qu'elle prend", a jugé M. Wolfowitz, sans citer nommément l'Union européenne, à laquelle la Turquie espère pouvoir adhérer.

    "Ce qui est fondamental, c'est le caractère démocratique de la Turquie", a-t-il ajouté.

    Le sénateur républicain John McCain a de son côté remercié la Turquie d'être "un Etat en première ligne dans la guerre contre le terrorisme".

    "L'Europe maintient depuis trop longtemps la Turquie à distance", a regretté M. McCain, pour qui l'élargissement de l'OTAN dans le sud-est de l'Europe "mettrait un terme à l'isolement stratégique de la Turquie par rapport à l'Alliance et aiderait à apaiser les frictions continues dans les relations entre la Turquie et l'Union européenne". (AFP, 2 février 2002)

    ICFTU-ETUC: "Union leaders risk jail over F-type prisons"

    In an unprecedented court case instigated by the Turkish authorities against 16 leading officials of a union which represents staff in the justice ministry, including prison wardens (Tüm Yargi Sen), the Brussels-based International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) today called upon Turkey's government to drop all charges against them. They have been wrongly accused of having opposed the transfer of extreme left-wing and other alleged terrorist detainees to newly-built, high security institutions, known as "F-type prisons".

    The union leaders are to appear on February 14 before the Court of Appeals, in Ankara, after having been sentenced earlier to 3 years and 9 months imprisonment. The ICFTU and the ETUC have jointly sent an observer to the trial.

    The case against Tüm Yargi Sen's (TYS) President Tekin Yildiz, 10 other national officials, 4 Ankara branch leaders and a former TYS Steering Committee member, was launched by the authorities in October 2000, soon after prisoners started a hunger-strike in protest at plans to transfer them to the new "F-type prisons". At least 30 prisoners and several security personnel were killed when the authorities forcibly transferred the detainees in December 2000. However, the hunger-strike, in which detainees' relatives have also taken part, still continues and has so far claimed 45 lives. Latest figures indicate 130 inmates are still fasting.

    Although they have appealed against their sentences, many of the TYS leaders have already been banned from the public service, from holding union office, travelling abroad or have been transferred to jobs in other cities. Tüm Yargi Sen is a member of Turkey's Confederation of Public Servants Trade Unions (KESK), itself affiliated to both the ICFTU and ETUC, alongside other Turkish affiliates.

    In August 2000, three months before the prisoners went on hunger strike, the Justice Minister had invited Tüm Yargi Sen, along with several other civil society organisations, to visit and report on the then recently-built "F-type prisons". The union's report had criticised the prison guards' working conditions, including constant camera surveillance and isolation of employees from each other, blamed for hampering trade union activities and social contacts. Lack of housing facilities near the isolated "F-type prisons" and OHS problems were also criticised by the Tüm Yargi Sen, as were the expected detention conditions of the prisoners themselves.

    In the following months, TYS suffered a number of repressive measures, culminating in an April 2001 police raid on its headquarters.

    In June 2001, in spite of several weeks of violently-repressed demonstrations by KESK and other trade unions (ICFTU affiliates in Turkey also include TURK-IS, DISK and HAK-IS), Turkey's Great National Assembly adopted a law banning the right to strike and collective bargaining in the public sector. Tüm Yargi Sen lost its headquarters and had to merge with another trade union as a result.

    "The trial against Tüm Yargi Sen is a typical case in which trade union rights merge with other fundamental human rights, including freedom of expression or, for that matter, minimum standards for the treatment of prisoners", ICFTU General Secretary Guy Ryder said in Brussels today.

    "Acquitting trade union leaders for issuing an objective report which the Justice Minister had requested himself would seem a logical way for Turkey's judiciary to assert its independence and objectivity", Ryder concluded.

    The ICFTU represents 157 million workers in 225 affiliated organisations in 148 countries and territories. ICFTU is also a member of Global Unions: (ICFTU-ETUC, February 12, 2002)

    AI autorisée à ouvrir une représentation en Turquie

    L'organisation de défense des droits de l'Homme Amnesty International a été autorisée par le gouvernement turc à ouvrir une section locale en Turquie, a annoncé mardi le ministre turc chargé des droits de l'Homme, Nejat Arseven.

    Un décret gouvernemental autorisant l'ouverture d'une représentation a été signé par tous les ministres et lundi par le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit et a été envoyé pour promulgation au président de la République Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a-t-il dit à la presse.

    Le ministre a affirmé que l'association était une "organisation très respectable sur le plan international", et que sa présence en Turquie jouerait un important rôle dans la promotion des droits de l'Homme en Turquie et dans la "sensibilisation de la société" turque.

    M. Arseven a démenti les information selon lesquelles des ministres, membres du parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP, ultra-nationalistes), partenaire de la coalition gouvernementale, refusaient de signer le décret. "Ces informations sont dénuées de tout fondement", a-t-il dit.

    Amnesty International était présente en Turquie jusqu'au coup d'Etat militaire de 1980. Au printemps dernier, elle a estimé que les conditions actuelles --la candidature de la Turquie à l'Union Européenne (UE) et la mise en place d'un Programme national pour se rapprocher des critères de Copenhague-- rendaient son installation opportune.

    La Turquie n'a pas encore ouvert de négociations d'adhésion avec l'UE, car elle doit auparavant respecter ces critères sur les droits de l'homme et la démocratie. (AFP, 12 février 2002)

    Verheugen presse la Turquie d'accélérer les réformes

    Le commissaire européen à l'Elargissement Guenter Verheugen a pressé mercredi la Turquie d'accélérer les réformes démocratiques, relevant "des problèmes" sur la peine de mort et l'éducation en kurde.

    "La Turquie a fait des progrès en 2001 (...) les réformes engagées constituent certainement une avancée, mais du point de vue purement européen il y a des problèmes et leur mise en oeuvre est d'autant plus importante", a-t-il dit lors d'une conférence de presse avec le chef de la diplomatie turque Ismail Cem.

    Il se référait à une série de réformes adoptées par le parlement turc visant à élargir la liberté de pensée et d'expression en Turquie pour la rapprocher des normes de l'Union européenne, perçue comme nettement insuffisantes en Turquie même.

    "L'année 2002 sera une année importante, sinon cruciale" pour les relations UE-Turquie, a estimé M. Verheugen, pressant le gouvernement d'aborder la question de l'abolition de la peine de mort et de l'éducation en kurde.

    La Turquie a aboli la peine capitale sauf en temps de guerre et pour crimes terroristes. Ses dirigeants sont catégoriquement opposés à une éducation en langue kurde préconisée par l'UE.

    Evoquant le rythme des réformes, M. Verheugen a souligné qu'un "pays n'est certes pas un automobile de course mais on peut accélérer de 0 à 100 km/h en quelques secondes".

    M. Cem a souligné qu'en dépit de certains "problèmes" et "des hauts et des bas", les relations UE-Turquie étaient dans la bonne voie. Il a indiqué que l'objectif de la Turquie était de demander lors de la présidence danoise (à partir de juin 2002) l'établissement d'un calendrier pour l'ouverture de négociations d'adhésion en 2003. "Il s'agit d'objectifs à notre portée", a-t-il dit.

    M. Verheugen a relevé que la Turquie devait iméprativement respecter les critères politiques de Copenhague sur les droits de l'Homme et la démocratie pour ouvrir ces négociations.

    "Le processus de calendrier dépend des progrès de la Turquie", a-t-il dit.

    Les deux hommes se sont félicités des discussions lancées le 16 janvier par le président chypriote Glafcos Cléridès et le dirigeant chypriote-turc Rauf Denktash sur l'avenir de l'île divisée.

    M. Verheugen a souligné que le calendrier pour Chypre, membre du peloton de tête des candidats à l'UE, restait inchangé. "Nous encourageons les deux parties à trouver une solution. Le meilleur moyen de régler le problème est d'avoir une Chypre réunifiée comme membre de l'UE", a-t-il dit.

    Chypre est divisée en deux depuis l'intervention de l'armée turque dans le nord en 1974, en réponse à un coup d'Etat d'ultra-nationalistes chypriotes-grecs visant à rattacher l'île à la Grèce.

    Ankara est hostile à l'entrée de Chypre dans l'UE avant un règlement de sa division.

    M. Verheugen devait également rencontrer le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit et les vice-Premiers ministres Mesut Yilmaz et Devlet Bahceli. (AFP, 14 février 2002)

    Scancale: La saisie d'E-mail de l'UE à Ankara

    La représentation de la commission européenne à Ankara a formellement demandé au ministère turc des Affaires étrangères d'empêcher la publication du courrier électronique de la commission, saisi illégalement et distribué aux médias par un petit parti de gauche, a indiqué mardi à l'AFP un porte-parole de la commission.

    "Nous avons demandé vendredi que toutes les mesures légales appropriées soient prises par les autorités turques en vertu de la Convention de Vienne sur la protection des missions diplomatiques", a-t-il souligné.

    La représentation de la Commission européenne de l'UE a rang d'ambassade.

    Dogu Perincek, le président du parti travailliste (IP, non-représenté au parlement), un éternel militant anti-américain et anti-occidental connu pour ses théories de conspiration, a distribué samedi à la presse des pages de courrier électronique sur la correspondance interne et externe, notamment avec Bruxelles, de la Commissaire Karen Fogg, affirmant que l'ambassadrice "complote" contre la Turquie et demandé qu'elle soit déclarée persona non grata.

    "La publication de cette correspondance illégalement recueillie constitue un crime et nous voulons qu'elle cesse", a dit le porte-parole, sans confirmer ou infirmer la véracité du courrier diffusé depuis plusieurs jours par plusieurs journaux turcs et sans connaître comment il est tombé aux mains de M. Perincek.

    Selon le quotidien libéral Milliyet, M. Perincek a refusé de dévoiler comment il s'est emparé de ce courrier.

    Un éminent juriste turc, le professeur Ugur Alacakaptan, cité par le même journal a indiqué que la diffusion et la publication de ces messages contitue un crime aux termes du code pénal turc sur le secret de la correspondance. (AFP, 11 février 2002)

    Europe says e-mail scandal in Turkey is a crime

    The European Commissioner for enlargement, Gunter Verhgeuen, said hacking and distribution of a top commission official's e-mails was a crime against the European representation in Ankara

    Verheugen, on a two-day official visit to Turkey, said he was pleased that an official investigation had been launched into the hacking of European Commission Representative to Turkey Karen Fogg's e-mails. Turkish prosecutors have begun probing whether freedom of information had been violated when the e-mails were hacked and later disclosed to the public.

    Leftist Labour Party leader Dogu Perincek distributed Fogg's e-mails in a press conference last week, but it was unclear how he had received them. The National Security Council (MGK) and National Intelligence Service (MIT) both said that they had nothing to do with the hacking of Fogg's Internet communications with Brussels.

    "The General Secretariat of the National Security Council never takes part in those kind of activities," The MGK said in a statement, referring to the press reports that suggested a leakage of Fogg's e-mails by the influential body. The MGK, an advisory board to the government, brings government leaders and military generals together and plays a key role in shaping policies.

    Verheugen, on his arrival in Istanbul, said the e-mail issue was not a source of friction between EU-candidate Turkey and the European Union.

    "This is crime committed against our embassy. I am pleased to see the initiatives taken by the Turkish authorities," Verheugen told reporters. "I hope such events will not be repeated," he added.

    The incident came amid EU-candidate Turkey's efforts to meet European standards to be able to start membership negotiations with the bloc. Brussels wants Turkey to improve its poor human rights record and ease the limitations on individual rights.

    The Ankara Chief Prosecutor's Office said that their investigation intended to determine whether there had been a violation of the freedom of information, one of the basic individual rights.

    "The necessary legal procedure will be applied regarding those who are responsible if it is decided at the end of the investigation that a crime has been committed," the prosecutor's office said in a statement faxed to the Turkish Daily News.

    The disclosure of Fogg's e-mails followed a visit by her and two ambassadors of the EU member countries to Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's office earlier on Jan. 25. During their meeting with Ecevit, Fogg and the EU ambassadors expressed their dissatisfaction over a Turkish reform package that aimed at harmonizing laws with last year's constitutional amendments.(Turkish Daily News, February 15, 2002)

    Les relations Turquie-UE plongent dans un mauvais roman d'espionnage

    Des e-mails piratés par de mystérieux "hackers" dans une représentation diplomatique, un homme politique louche qui les publie, et un foisonnement de théories du complot: les relations Turquie-Union européenne se colorent des ingrédients d'un mauvais roman d'espionnage.

    Tout commence le 8 février, peu avant la tenue d'un sommet de l'Organisation de la Conférence islamique et de l'UE à Istanbul sur l'harmonie entre civilisations.

    Dogu Perincek, chef d'une des rares formations politiques au monde à se déclarer encore maoïste, le petit parti du Travail (IP), affirme être en possession de centaines de e-mails envoyés par la représentante de la Commission européenne à Ankara, Karen Fogg, à Bruxelles et à divers interlocuteurs turcs.

    Perincek, un marginal de la vie politique connu pour ses prises de position anti-impérialistes et anti-occidentales, publie les e-mails dans l'hebdomadaire de son parti, Aydinlik, et les distribue largement à la presse turque, sans révéler d'où il les tient.

    Il en tire la conclusion que Mme Fogg est une espionne oeuvrant contre les intérêts turcs et qu'elle doit être déclarée persona non grata.

    Le scandale couve: une télévision islamiste organise un long débat dans la soirée du 8 février pour commenter ces e-mails. Mais les médias ne s'en emparent véritablement qu'après le sommet.

    Interrogé le 13 février, lors de la conférence de presse de clôture du sommet, pour savoir si Mme Fogg va être expulsée, le ministre des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem qualifie l'affaire de "crime" et de "honte", affirmant que la justice sera saisie.

    Et les théories conspiratrices de foisonner, dans un pays où les réseaux de pouvoir sont parfois troubles.

    Qui a donné les e-mails à Dogu Perincek? Les services de renseignement du MIT? L'armée? L'Etat profond, ce concept si typiquement turc de forces occultes au sein de l'appareil d'Etat, mélange de services de renseignement, d'ultra nationalistes, et dont l'ombre plane sur les affaires les plus sombres? Ou des "cercles anti-européens" aux contours tout aussi mal définis qui veulent saboter la candidature turque à l'UE?

    D'autant que cette affaire a éclaté deux semaines après que Mme Fogg se soit rendue chez le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit pour critiquer l'insuffisance d'un paquet de réformes censées élargir la liberté d'expression pour rapprocher la Turquie de l'UE, avant leur adoption par le parlement.

    Le MIT prend soin de démentir son implication, l'armée également.

    Toujours dans la logique conspiratrice, le vice-Premier ministre Devlet Bahceli, chef du parti l'Action Nationaliste MHP (extrême droite), membre de la coalition gouvernementale, dénonce une "provocation de certains cercles étrangers qui ne veulent pas de la Turquie dans l'Union Européenne".

    Quoi qu'il en soit, l'affaire crée une ambiance détestable entre Bruxelles et Ankara, dont les relations n'ont jamais été faciles, même depuis que la candidature turque a été acceptée en décembre 1999.

    Et la Commission européenne a dû intervenir mardi pour sommer le gouvernement turc d'agir et d'arrêter la publication des e-mails.

    "Cet incident tourne à la comédie. Mais ce qui est curieux, c'est que les autorités regardent sans rien faire", relevait jeudi l'éditorialiste du quotidien en langue anglaise Turkish Daily News, Mehmet Ali Birand.

    "Si la Turquie veut avancer sur la voie de la modernisation, elle doit montrer sa volonté sur le dossier de l'UE", relevait-il. (AFP, 20 février 2002)

    La justice saisit le magazine ayant violé le E-mail de l'UE

    Une Cour de Sûreté de l'Etat d'Istanbul a ordonné mardi la saisie d'un magazine hebdomadaire dans le cadre d'une enquête sur le viol et la publication du courrier électronique de la représentation européenne en Turquie, rapporte l'agence Anatolie.

    La cour a pris cette décision à l'encontre du magazine Aydinlik, organe du petit parti d'extrême-gauche le Parti du Travail (IP), au motif qu'il avait continué, dans son édition de dimanche, à publier des courriers électroniques confidentiels appartenant à la représentante de la Commission Européenne Karen Fogg, malgré un récent jugement interdisant leur diffusion publique.

    Le président du Parti maoïste du Travail, Dogu Perincek, avait au début du mois publié des "E-mails" envoyés par Mme Fogg et ses collaborateurs à des responsables de l'Union Européenne à Bruxelles et des destinataires turcs, suscitant une crispation dans les relations entre l'UE et la Turquie, candidat à l'intégration.

    M. Perincek, habitué des controverses sur fond d'idéologie fortement anti-occidentale et de théorie du complot, a accusé Mme Fogg d'être une espionne travaillant contre les intérêts de la Turquie, et a exigé qu'elle soit déclarée persona non grata.

    Il s'est refusé à expliquer par quels moyens il avait pu se procurer les E-mails.

    La semaine dernière, le Commissaire européen à l'élargissement Guenter Verheugen a mis en demeure l'Ambassadeur de Turquie auprès de l'UE d'assurer la sécurité de la mission diplomatique européenne à Ankara, et le Président de la Commission Romano Prodi avait appelé le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit pour lui exprimer son irritation au sujet de cet incident.

    Les messages divulgués auparavant dans le magazine Aydinlik concernent des questions récurrentes de la politique turque, telles que les réformes législatives, les relations UE-Turquie et des points évoquant l'avenir de la division de l'île de Chypre.

    L'un de ces messages mentionnait notamment la possibilité pour l'UE d'attribuer une aide fiancière pour la publication d'un journal en langue kurde, dont la population tente de vaincre la résistance d'Ankara à lui reconnaître des droits culturels. (AFP, 26 février 2002)

    European Parliament asks Turkey not to ban HADEP

    The European Parliament, on Thursday, approved a draft, entitled human rights issues in Turkey, and has called on Turkey not to ban the People's Democracy Party (HADEP).

    "HADEP has been fighting for Kurds to be granted their civil rights, and denies links to the PKK, or any other terror organization," the decision of the European Parliament stated.

    There is an ongoing closure case against HADEP at the Constitutional Court, on charges of having organic ties with the outlawed PKK.

    The Constitutional Court is expected to hear the verbal defense of HADEP's Murat Bozlak today, as part of the closure case, which was opened three years ago.

    The Constitutional Court has banned HADEP's predecessors, such as the People's Labor Party (HEP) and the pro-Kurdish Democracy Party (DEP), on charges of being under the command of the PKK, and staging activities directed by the terrorist organization.

    The European Parliament also asked Turkey to end the legal actions against students demanding Kurdish elective courses.

    Noting that Turkey has responsibilities to fulfill, as it is a member candidate to the European Union, the European Parliament said that it hoped that in the future, Turkey would grant legal rights to all minorities living in Turkey.

    "Turkey can achieve full-membership in the EU, only if it respects all of the Copenhagen Criteria and basic human rights," the decision said.(Turkish Daily News, March 1, 2002)

    RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS

    Bagdad appelle l'ONU à faire pression sur Ankara

    Bagdad a appelé mercredi l'ONU à faire pression sur Ankara pour qu'elle arrête le survol du nord de l'Irak par des avions turcs et cesse son soutien logistique aux appareils américains et britanniques.

    Cet appel est contenu dans un message du ministère des Affaires étrangères remis par le représentant de l'Irak à l'ONU Abdel Moneem Al-Qadhi au secrétaire général de l'ONU Kofi Annan.

    Dans ce message, reproduit par l'agence INA, le ministère appelle l'ONU à "demander au gouvernement turc d'arrêter immédiatement son agression militaire et son ingérence dans les affaires intérieures de l'Irak et de cesser d'accorder des facilités aux agresseurs américains et britanniques".

    Les forces américains et britanniques qui patrouillent la zone d'exclusion aérienne dans le nord de l'Irak sont stationnés dans la base d'Incirlik, dans le sud de la Turquie.

    De fréquents incidents opposent l'Irak aux avions américains et britanniques qui surveillent la zone d'exclusion aérienne du nord ainsi que celle du sud du pays, imposées à Bagdad après la guerre du Golfe.

    Bagdad ne reconnaît pas ces deux zones, qui ne font pas l'objet de résolutions de l'ONU. (AFP, 6 février 2002)

    Saddam Hussein presse Ankara de s'opposer aux menaces US

    Le président irakien Saddam Hussein a écrit au Premier ministre turc pour le presser de s'opposer aux menaces américaines contre l'Irak qui, a-t-il affirmé, "ne dispose plus d'armes de destruction massive", a-t-on appris vendredi.

    "L'Irak ne possède plus d'armes de destruction massive et n'a pas l'intention d'en produire", écrit Saddam Hussein à Bulent Ecevit, en réponse à la lettre dans laquelle celui-ci le pressait, afin d'éviter des frappes américaines, d'autoriser le retour des inspecteurs de l'ONU chargés de contrôler le désarmement de l'Irak.

    "L'Irak est parmi les premiers pays à vouloir que notre région soit débarrassée des armes de destruction massive", ajoute le président irakien dans sa lettre dont l'AFP a obtenu une copie vendredi.

    "Nous attendons de la Turquie qu'elle respecte les règles de bon voisinage et les principes du droit international (...) et qu'elle s'oppose aux menaces américaines (contre l'Irak), en adoptant une position sage et équilibrée", écrit-il.

    Il souligne que "de nombreux pays dans la région et dans le monde, dont certains sont des alliés de l'Amérique, s'opposent ouvertement aux menaces américaines qui sont marquées par l'arrogance et l'agression".

    Selon Saddam Hussein, le règlement de la question irakienne "ne doit pas se faire par l'obéissance à l'arrogance américaine mais dans le cadre du droit et de la loi".

    Dans sa lettre au président irakien, M. Ecevit écrivait : "L'Irak fait face à une nouvelle menace. Nous déployons d'intenses efforts pour éviter cette menace. Mais pour que nos efforts aboutissent, l'Irak doit (...) lever une bonne fois pour toute les obstacles posés aux inspections de l'ONU".

    Bagdad refuse d'autoriser le retour des inspecteurs de l'ONU, qui se sont retirés du pays avant des frappes américano-britanniques sur l'Irak en décembre 1998, et a rejeté une résolution de l'ONU en 1999 prévoyant la levée des sanctions en vigueur depuis la guerre du Golfe en 1991 en échange d'un retour des inspecteurs.

    Washington a fermement mis en garde l'Irak contre les "conséquences" de ce refus, laissant ouverte la possibilité de frappes contre Bagdad dans le cadre de ce que Washington présente comme une campagne antiterroriste.

    Des avions américains basés en Turquie effectuent quasi quotidiennement des vols au dessus de l'Irak dans la "zone d'esclusion aérienne", imposée par les Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne mais qui ne fait l'objet d'aucune résolution de l'ONU. (AFP, 8 février 2002)

    Mémorandum greco-turc de coopération économique

    La Grèce et la Turquie ont signé mercredi à Athènes un mémorandum de compréhension visant à développer la coopération économique entre les deux pays, à l'issue d'une première réunion interministérielle bilatérale à ce sujet.

    "Nous faisons un nouveau début avec ce mémorandum de compréhension qui porte sur les domaines de l'énergie, des transports ferrovières et routiers ainsi que sur la coopération régionale et commerciale", a indiqué le secrétaire d'Etat turc au Commerce extérieur, Kursad Tuzmen, lors de la signature.
    "Il s'agit d'un memorandum d'importance historique pour nos relations commerciales, qui s'inscrit dans le cadre institutionnel des neuf accords signés entre les deux pays, en 1999", a indiqué de son côté le secrétaire d'Etat grec aux Affaires étrangères chargé des relations économiques internationales, Andréas Loverdos.

    Dans le cadre du rapprochement bilatéral entamé en 1999, une commission interministérielle bilatérale de coopération économique avait été mise en place après la signature par la Grèce et la Turquie de neuf accords économiques et commerciaux.
    Ce mémorandum est le produit de la première réunion de cette commission entamée mardi à Athènes en présence de nombreux hommes d'affaires des deux pays.

    "Il faut renforcer cette coopération, surtout dans le secteur du tourisme pour lequel nous allons prendre des initiatives après le mois de mars" prochain, a souligné M. Loverdos.

    Il a relevé la nécessité d'accélérer la signature prévue d'un accord contre la double imposition.

    L'objectif des deux pays est de faire passer le volume des échanges d'environ un milliard de dollars actuellement à cinq milliards de dollars ces prochaines années, avait souligné mardi M. Tuzmen.

    M. Loverdos a aussi annoncé la signature d'un protocole à Ankara en automne prochain portant sur les mêmes questions.

    Les deux ministres ont par ailleurs exprimé leur satisfaction pour la coopération des deux pays en vue de l'organisation commune du Mondial de football en 2008 en Turquie. (AFP, 13 février 2002)

    Le contingent turc de l'Isaf prêt à gagner Kaboul

    Le premier contingent turc de la Force internationale d'assistance à la sécurité (Isaf) en Afghanistan doit quitter Ankara vendredi soir pour Kaboul, a indiqué son commandant lors d'une cérémonie d'adieux vendredi.

    Le déploiement des 267 soldats, équipés d'armes modernes et de 17 véhicules militaires, prendra plusieurs jours, a précisé le capitaine Umit Ata Narin à cette occasion.

    "Nous sommes fiers d'avoir été choisis pour cette mission historique", a-t-il souligné.

    La Turquie, seul pays musulman à contribuer à l'Isaf, a indiqué qu'elle pourrait augmenter son contingent en fonction des développements dans le pays.

    Elle est en outre pressentie pour prendre la tête de l'Isaf à l'expiration du mandat des Britanniques. (AFP, 15 février 2002)

    La Turquie dirigera l'Isaf si les alliés l'aident financièrement

    Un compromis général s'est dégagé pour que la Turquie prenne la direction de la Force internationale d'assistance à la sécurité en Afghanistan (Isaf) mais les alliés doivent l'aider à en supporter le coût financier, a déclaré vendredi le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit.

    "Une chose est plus ou moins claire: un compromis général a été dégagé pour que la Turquie conduise cette force", a souligné M. Ecevit dans une interview à la chaîne de télévision NTV.

    "Mais les conditions n'ont pas encore été clarifiées. Nos possibilités financières ne suffiront pas pour que nous assumions seuls la responsabilité de tous les problèmes de sécurité, sociaux et économiques de l'Afghanistan", a-t-il ajouté.

    "Des contributions (financières) conséquentes devraient être déterminées. Les discussions se poursuivent à ce sujet, il n'y a pas encore de résultat", a-t-il dit.

    La Turquie s'est dit prête à prendre la relève des Britanniques à la tête de l'Isaf à l'expiration de leur mandat de trois mois. Mais elle traverse une grave crise économique depuis février 2001, qui l'a plongée dans l'une des pires récessions de son histoire.

    M. Ecevit s'exprimait alors que le premier contingent turc de l'Isaf s'apprêtait à quitter Ankara vendredi soir pour Kaboul.

    Le déploiement des 267 soldats turcs devrait prendre plusieurs jours, a précisé son commandant, le capitaine Umit Ata Narin, lors d'une cérémonie pour le départ.

    La Turquie, membre de l'Otan et seul pays musulman à contribuer à l'Isaf, a indiqué qu'elle pourrait augmenter son contingent en fonction des développements dans le pays. (AFP, 15 février 2002)

    Un programme turco-géorgien de coopération militaire

    La Géorgie et la Turquie ont signé mercredi à Tbilissi un programme de coopération militaire pour l'année 2002, dans un geste de rapprochement supplémentaire entre l'ex-république soviétique du Caucase et un pays membre de l'Otan.

    Ce programme de coopération a été signé par le vice-ministre de la Défense géorgien Gueloï Béjouachvili et l'attaché militaire turc dans la capitale géorgienne, le colonel Adnan Guiuler.

    Il prévoit "22 évènements en 2002, dont des exercices militaires communs et des visites", a indiqué M. Béjouachvili. Les troupes du ministère géorgien de l'Intérieur et des gardes-frontières participeront aussi à ce programme, a-t-il indiqué.

    La Géorgie doit accueillir en 2002, pour la deuxième année consécutive, des exercices dans le cadre du programme de Partenariat pour la paix de l'Otan.

    Ankara et Tbilissi ont noué d'étroites relations depuis la chute de l'URSS. La Turquie, membre de l'Otan, a décidé en novembre dernier de financer les travaux de reconstruction d'une base militaire géorgienne évacuée par l'armée russe, à Vaziani. (AFP, 20 février 2002)

    Une entreprise turque reconstruira le pont de Mostar

    L'entreprise turque ER-BU reconstruira le pont historique de la ville de Mostar (sud), le "Stari Most" (vieux pont), a annoncé mercredi l'Unité pour la coordination du projet de reconstruction du pont (PCU).

    Trois propositions avaient été faites en réponse à l'appel d'offre international.

    L'entreprise turque l'a emporté face aux sociétés française Quelin et italo-bosniaque Pontelo del masijo-Hydroconstruction, en proposant de faire les travaux pour plus de deux millions d'euros.

    L'entreprise turque ER-BU devrait signer l'accord de reconstruction en mai prochain. Le financement des travaux sera effectué par différents pays occidentaux.

    Victime des combats entre Musulmans et Croates de Bosnie qui avaient opposé deux parties de la ville, le pont de Mostar, construit par les Ottomans au XVIe siècle, avait été détruit le 9 novembre 1993 par les obus croates.

    Avant sa destruction, le pont, composée d'une arche unique et d'architecture ottomane, avait été inscrit sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO.

    De son côté, la France a ouvert début janvier à Mostar une école de tailleurs de pierre où seront formés les artisans appelés à participer à la reconstruction du Vieux Pont.

    Depuis les conflits qui ont opposé croates et musulmans en 1993-94, la ville de Mostar est restée divisée entre les deux communautés. (AFP, 20 février 2002)

    L'USB se retire du projet controversé de barrage d'Illisu

    Le groupe bancaire suisse UBS a annoncé mercredi qu'il mettait fin à son mandat de conseil dans le projet de construction d'un barrage et d'une centrale électrique à Illisu, en Anatolie, en raison de l'insuffisance des mesures visant à réduire son impact social et écologique.

    "Le terme mis à ce contrat tient surtout au fait que, ces dernières années, l'évolution du projet dans son ensemble a été peu satisfaisante", a indiqué UBS dans un communiqué.
    Des groupes de défense de l'environnement et des droits de l'homme ont dénoncé le fait que le barrage priverait 30.000 personnes de leurs terres et de leurs maisons dans une région à majorité kurde du sud-est de l'Anatolie.

    Ils ont aussi averti que le barrage allait engloutir des centaines de sites archéologiques et créer de nouveaux risques pour la santé des populations, notamment une plus forte exposition au paludisme.

    "On ne dispose pas jusqu'à présent d'éléments déterminants permettant de constater que les mesures d'accompagnement destinées à atténuer les répercussions sociales et écologiques de ce projet seront mises en oeuvre", a estimé l'UBS.

    La banque suisse précise que "le contrat de conseil, de structuration et d'arrangement du financement conclu en 1997 avec le fournisseur sera dénoncé conformément au préavis prévu".

    Le cout du projet turc est évalué à environ 1,9 milliard de dollars (2,2 milliards d'euros).

    La société d'ingénierie britannique Balfour Beatty avait annoncé en novembre dernier son retrait du projet de barrage pour des raisons similaires. (AFP, 27 février 2002)

    IMMIGRATION / MIGRATION

    Tirs israéliens contre des Kurdes: pas de légitime défense

    L'ancien ambassadeur d'Israël en Allemagne, Avi Primor, a reconnu qu'il n'y avait pas eu légitime défense en février 1999, lorsque des agents de sécurité du consulat d'Israël à Berlin avaient ouvert le feu contre des manifestants kurdes, tuant quatre personnes, dans un entretien avec le quotidien allemand Tageszeitung à paraître samedi.

    "A l'époque, j'étais persuadé que c'était de la légitime défense parce que les agents de sécurité en étaient aussi persuadés, a déclaré au quotidien M. Primor, mais, a posteriori, je sais que ce n'était pas le cas".

    Il a affirmé avoir cru que les Kurdes avaient l'intention de prendre des otages ou de tuer quelqu'un. Mais il s'est avéré que ces craintes étaient fausses, comme l'ont montré les procès intentés contre certains des manifestants et les enquêtes menées, a-t-il souligné.

    Le 17 février 1999, des sympathisants du PKK, qui accusaient l'Etat israélien d'être impliqué dans l'arrestation par les services secrets turcs d'Ocalan, avaient organisé une manifestation devant le consulat d'Israël.

    Deux membres du service de sécurité du consulat avaient ouvert le feu sur les manifestants au moment où ceux-ci tentaient de pénétrer dans la représentation diplomatique, tuant quatre militants kurdes et en blessant de nombreux autres.

    La justice allemande, tout en poursuivant les Kurdes impliqués dans cette affaire, a émis d'expresses réserves quant à la légitime défense invoquée par les autorités israéliennes pour justifier l'ouverture du feu. Elle n'a toutefois entamé aucune procédure contre les gardes du consulat, protégés par leur immunité diplomatique.

    Trois manifestants ont été condamnés à des peines de prison de neuf mois à deux ans avec sursis. Les autres procès n'ont pour l'instant abouti à aucune condamnation. Seul l'un des manifestants avait écopé d'une peine d'intérêt général mais son procès, aux côtés de trois autres jeunes gens, a dû être repris de A à Z au mois de novembre dernier. (AFP, 15 février 2002)

    L'Italie accuse la Turquie sur le trafic de clandestins

    Quatre-vingt-quatre Kurdes irakiens ont, le 18 février, été découverts dans un camion frigorifique à bord d'un ferry en provenance de Patrai (Grèce) et à destination d'Ancône, dans le centre de l'Italie, a rapporté, le 18 février, le quotidien Il Corriere Adriatico. Les clandestins ont été découverts la veille pendant la traversée de l'Adriatique par l'équipage du ferry, le Superfast III, qui a alerté les carabiniers italiens.

    Ces Kurdes ont dû payer à des passeurs plus de 1.000 euros par personne, selon le quotidien local qui souligne qu'il s'agit de l'une des plus importantes tentatives de débarquement de clandestins dont on se souvienne à Ancone, hormis les boat-people albanais du début des années 1990.

    Plus de 20.000 clandestins ont débarqué l'an dernier en Italie et les procédures de rapatriement ont concerné plus de 75.000 sans papiers, selon des chiffres fournis lundi par un responsable du ministère de l'Intérieur, Alfredo Mantovano, qui a montré du doigt la Turquie.

    "Le vrai problème est d'éviter que dans les ports turcs d'Istanbul et de Smyrne les épaves se remplissent, sous les yeux d'une police qui sait être très efficace quand elle veut, et prennent ensuite la route vers l'Europe et en particulier vers l'Italie en passant sans difficulté les eaux territoriales grecques", a-t-il déclaré.

    Par ailleurs, un bateau de pêche grec transportant 131 immigrés clandestins, à majorité des Kurdes, a, le 26 février, accosté à Karystos. Dans leurs premiers témoignages, les clandestins ont indiqué que les passeurs les avaient pris en charge sur les côtes turques.

    Selon le décompte des autorités portuaires, 8 femmes et 12 enfants figurent parmi les clandestins. (CILDEKT, 27 février 2002)

    Kon-Kurd protests against the refusal to a Kurdish refugee

    The Confederation of Kurdish Associations in Europe (Kon-Kurd) has recently issued the following press release:

    Ms.Nuriye Kesbir, a Kurdish woman of the Yezidi sect, entered the Netherlands on 28 September 2001 seeking political asylum. Ms Kesbir has every reason to obtain the status of a political refugee and yet this has not been offered to her.

    It is well known that the Yezidis have always faced systematic oppression, and that in Turkey engagement in political activity in support of Kurdistan has been the excuse for severe torture and death threats. The refusal to offer her refugee status is, therefore, incomprehensible.

    In the case of Ms. Kesbir whose request for asylum was denied following her detention over a period of several months, the Netherlands has contradicted its own laws. This is a cause of grave concern for us. Thousands of our people now living in various parts of Europe, including the Netherlands, find this unjust treatment inhumane, and consider it to be an attack on their political rights, national will and social conscience.

    Holland is an independent country and as such we believe it right and proper to be respectful of its laws. But we must now ask, does Holland respect its laws as much as we do? Does it not feel the need to defend its own democratic and legal principles against the pressures of the Turkish state?

    Ms. Kesbir has been accused of using a weapon, but this has never been proved. Why then is she being detained? How is it possible in a democratic country to arrive at such a verdict when no crime has been committed?

    We would like to make it clear that Ms. Kesbir desires as much as anyone else to follow democratic and political norms. Her wish is to meet and to discuss the prospects for peace and democracy for Yezidi society, and to support the struggle of her people for peace, democracy and freedom.

    Do not European laws adhere to these principles? If they do then is it not unnecessary to imprison thousands of political activists and even to extradite them!

    We the Confederation of Kurdish Associations in Europe urge the Netherlands to change this unjust attitude. It is our hope that in being able to rely on the justice of Dutch law we can allay the deep concerns currently felt by our people.

    BELGIQUE-TURQUIE / BELGIUM-TURKEY

    Belgian senator's visit to PKK Quarters

    A group of Belgian senators to the brother of Abdullah Ocalan, paid a visit to the leader of PKK, Osman Ocalan, in northern Iraq last month. Belgian Senator Vincent Van Quickenborne told the Turkish Daily News that Osman Ocalan had indicated that they had changed their strategy and were now seeking a federal state for Turkey, but not a confederal one.

    Van Quickenborne, who is from the Spirit Party, which is a democratic progressive party, came under fire from Turkey for visiting one of the public enemies of the Turkish people. Despite the reaction, Van Quickenborne declined to characterize the PKK as a terrorist organization.

    A group of Belgians, one Federal Senator (Van Quickenborne), one Chamber member (Ferdy Willems) and another senator from a state level parliament (whose name was not disclosed), a researcher and a photographer met with PKK representatives on Jan. 11 in northern Iraq, at a mountainous location described as a spot between the Iraqi and Iranian borders. The group and Ocalan had talks for one-and-a-half hours. The groups spent five days in the region.

    Van Quickenborne said that they had the impression that the PKK had changed its strategy on several important issues, such as the PKK giving up the armed struggle for independence. The PKK has abandoned its marxist ideology and now dub themselves as social democrats. The PKK supports Turkey's bid for European Union membership. It argues that Turkey should be admitted as a member even before it fulfills the Copenhagen criteria, so that PKK and EU can exert more influence on Turkey. The PKK will resume the armed struggle again if Turkey executes Abdullah Ocalan. It will again resume the struggle if Ocalan is not properly treated. The PKK will not be against a U.S. bombing campaign against Iraq, but will not actively support it. The PKK accepts that it was a mistake to kill civilians and will refrain from any further civilian killings if the armed struggle starts again, and will focus only on military targets this time.

    Van Quickenborne said that Ocalan claimed to have 7,000 "armed guerillas," and argued that they could increase that number in case of a renewal of the armed struggle. He reportedly gave no details of the whereabouts of the "guerillas."

    Asked why he did not care for the sensitivities of Turkish people who had suffered because of PKK terrorism and went to visit Ocalan, a defiant Van Quickenborne said he would meet Osama bin Laden if it was possible. Stressing that he does not sympathize with the cause of Ocalan and condemning the killing of innocent people by the PKK, Van Quickenborne nevertheless declined to dub it as a terrorist organization.

    Asked why he refrained from characterizing the PKK as a terrorist organization, Van Quickenborne claimed, "Terrorism has no meaning and is a political word. You can apply it to many situations. I condemn the PKK killings, but I also criticize the Turkish government on the disappearances of two HADEP representatives."

    Stressing that they had several times told Ocalan that it was a grave mistake to kill so many innocent people, Van Quickenborne said that meeting Ocalan did not mean that he agreed with his cause or strategy.

    He underlined that their visit had not been a show of solidarity with the PKK, and argued that they did not know they would end up meeting Osman Ocalan when they set out for northern Iraq. Nevertheless, he added that they intended to meet PKK representatives. He also indicated that the purpose of the visit was to understand what was going on in northern Iraq on the ground.

    "The main purpose was to look at the building of autonomy, democracy, schooling etc. We met with Talibani, the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) but could not meet with Barzani. Instead, we met several high-ranking representatives from the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). We also had contact with Turkoman representatives," said Quickenborne, adding that he had respect for Ataturk, the founder of the Republic, as he had created a secular state.

    Asked about a possible independence of the region, Talibani reportedly responded that it was a farfetched idea. (Turkish Daily News, February 13, 2002)