• Pressures on political prisoners and their parents
• Bullets removed from the prisoner's corpse
• Statistics on Prisoners Politiques
• Hunger striker condemned to death penalty
• IHD: Human rights violations in rise
• Onze manifestants de Greenpeace interpellés
• Manifestants interpellés avant la visite de Sharon
• Plus de 5000 balles tirées en 25 minutes
• Un important homme d'affaires d'origine juive assassiné
• Amnesty International's report concerns in Turkey
• Violations des droits de l'Homme en bref

POLITIQUE INTERIEURE / INTERIOR POLICY

• Le deuxième nouveau parti du mouvement islamiste
• Poursuites contre le leader d'un nouveau parti islamiste
• MGK decision on the Constitutional Amendment Bills

PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA
 

• Les émissions de la BBC et de la Deutsche Welle interdites
• Saisie du livre concernant l'oppression des Kurde
• Reality Show: "Who can survive on the minimum wage?"
• Violations de la liberté d'expression en bref

FORCES ARMEES / ARMED FORCES

• "Le livre rouge" de l'Armée turque
• L'armée renvoie 15 officiers liés aux Kurdes et aux Islamistes
• Military prepare a new National Security policy document
• L'armée s'agace des critiques
• General Baser is going to concentrate on propaganda
• Gen. Asparuk says MGK derives its duties from Constitution
• M.D. Helicopter fournira 10 hélicoptères à la police

QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION

• Deux villages kurdes évacués de force
• 64% des dossiers restent non élucidés à Diyarbakir
• Les femmes kurdes d'Arménie s'adressent à la Cour européenne
• Un responsable de HADEP emprisonné pour "propagande séparatiste"
• Un militant kurde et un soldat tués dans le sud-est
• No Racism in Turkey, if You Say You're a Turk
• Women arrested in Turkey for chanting in Kurdish
• ECHR Grants More Time to Ocalan Lawyers to Prepare Case
• Violations des droits des Kurdes en bref

RELATIONS MAFIEUSES / MAFIA RELATIONS

• Une affaire rocambolesque d'homicides

MINORITES / MINORITIES

• Turkey/Armenia: Reconciliation Commission Off To Rocky Start
• Of genocides, massacres, and tragedies

SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC

• L'inflation atteint 56,3% sur un an
• Le FMI accorde une nouvelle tranche de crédit à la Turquie
• Les détroits fermés pour le passage d'une plateforme géante
• Womens' resistance: No water, no sex.
• Cérémonie en mémoire des victimes du séisme de 1999
• Istanbul, en avant ligne pour les risques sismiques, fait l'autruche
• Un chômeur turc tente de se suicider au Parlement

AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS

• Les Frères musulmans: " L'Europe est hostile aux islamistes"
• Investigation Against Cleric for Remarks on 'Alawistan'

RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST

• La politique d'exportation d'armes vers la Turquie inchangée
• Berlin autorise la vente de détonateurs à la Turquie
• Yilmaz met en garde contre l'absence d'un accord
• Turkey angers the NGOs

RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS

• Ankara dénonce la mort d'un Turc tué par les garde-côtes grecs
• Critiques contre la visite d'Ariel Sharon en Turquie
• Retour de Turquie du Premier ministre israélien Ariel Sharon
• Fourniture de chars à la Turquie:l'Ukraine a de "bonnes chances"
• Deux Turcs armés interpellés à la frontière avec l'Arménie
• Ouverture du procès des preneurs d'otages pro-tchétchènes
• L'Egypte interdit l'importation de viande de Turquie
• Azerbaijan: Turkey Pursues Ambiguous Ties
• L'Irak fait état d'une nouvelle incursion de l'armée turque

IMMIGRATION / MIGRATION

• Un "passeur" turc tué dans un échange de coups de feu
• Interception de 103 immigrants clandestins
• He fled from Turkish prison, only to die in Glasgow
• Le projet de loi sur l'immigration en Allemagne
• 178 candidats à l'immigration illégale arrêtés en Turquie
• Mandat d'arrêt contre un Turc détenu en Allemagne
• 200 immigrants clandestins interceptés sur un chalutier turc
• Plus de 180 immigrants à nouveau interceptés en Turquie
• Les Turcs s'intègrent moins que les Marocains
• Ecevit appelle les expatriés à investir dans leur pays

LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM

Six nouvelles victimes dans la grève de la faim

La grève de la faim des prisonniers politiques qui protestent contre le régime carcéral répressif a fait six morts en deux mois de l'été macabre en Turquie. Ainsi, le nombre total des victimes de la résistance s'est élevé à 64 depuis l'assaut sanglant des forces de l'ordre contre les prisons en décembre 2000 qui avait fait 32 victimes, dont 30 prisonniers politiques et deux soldats.

Tout récemment, le 31 août, Hulya Simsek, parente d'un des détenus, est morte après 285 jours de jeûne dans une maison d'Istanbul où plusieurs grévistes de la faim soutiennent le mouvement lancé par des prisonniers politiques en octobre dernier.

Les cinq autres victimes de deux derniers mois:

Le 4 juillet, Mahmut Gokhan Ozocak, prisonnier mis en liberté conditionnelle pour raisons de santé, est décédé à Izmir. M. Ozocak, 41 ans, avait commencé sa grève de la faim le 26 octobre 2000, alors qu'il était détenu à la prison de Buca (ouest) pour appartenance au Front-Parti de libération du peuple révolutionnaire (DHKP-C).

Le 8 juillet, Ali Koç, détenu à la prison de Sincan pour appartenance au DHKP-C, est décédé à l'hôpital Numune à Ankara au 268. jour de sa grève de la faim.

Le 14 juillet, Sevgi Erdogan, 47 ans, libérée en juin de la prison d'Usak (ouest), est décédée lors qu'elle continuait son mouvement avec une vingtaine d'autres grévistes de la faim dans une maison de la banlieue d'Istanbul. Elle avait été condamnée pour appartenance au DHKP-C.

Le 3 août, Muharrem Horoz, 28 ans, est décédé dans un hôpital d'Izmit (nord-ouest) où il avait été admis dix jours auparavant en raison de la gravité de son état, selon l'agence. Il est mort après 236 jours de jeûne. Soupçonné d'appartenir à l'Armée de libération des paysans et des ouvriers de Turquie (TIKKO), il était jugé pour un attentat perpétré en mars 1999 contre le gouverneur de la province de Cankiri.

Le 14 août, Osman Osmanagaoglu, 44 ans, est décédé dans une maison du quartier de Sariyer où il poursuivait un jeûne avec plusieurs autres camarades depuis 299 jours. Il avait entamé sa grève de la faim en octobre dernier, se sustentant d'un peu de sucre et d'eau. Hospitalisé en avril, il avait repris sa grève à son retour en prison. Il était emprisonné depuis onze ans pour appartenance au DHKP-C et avait été libéré pour une durée de six mois en juin en raison de l'aggravation de son état de santé.

Selon les autorités, 200 détenus poursuivent actuellement leur grève de la faim.

Des centaines de détenus d'extrême gauche avaient lancé en octobre une grève de la faim pour protester contre l'entrée en service de nouvelles prisons à cellules et à isolement renforcé devant remplacer celles à dortoirs pour les détenus condamnés pour activités terroristes et mafieuses.

Pour briser le mouvement, l'armée avait lancé un assaut contre 20 prisons en décembre au cours duquel 30 détenus et 2 gendarmes avaient été tués.

Un rapport d'experts a dénoncé l'excès de brutalité de cet assaut, au moins 6 détenues de la prison Bayrampasa d'Istanbul ayant alors été probablement tuées par l'abus de grenades lacrymogènes.

Le gouvernement avait profité de l'opération pour transférer plus d'un millier de détenus dans les nouvelles prisons, dites de "type F".

Le parlement turc a entre-temps adopté une série de lois permettant de contrôler et d'améliorer les conditions de détention des prisonniers, récompensés pour bonne conduite en étant autorisés à partages des activités communes.

Mais elles ont été jugées insuffisantes par les associations de défense des droits de l'Homme et les détenus.

Le Conseil de l'Europe a appelé les détenus à cesser leur mouvement, relayé par le député Vert européen Daniel Cohn-Bendit, qui a dénoncé lors d'une visite à Ankara début juin "l'idéologie préhistorique" des meneurs de la grève.

Le gouvernement turc libère progressivement les plus mal-en-point des grévistes, mais certains n'en continuent pas moins leur jeûne.

L'une d'entre eux, interviewée récemment par l'AFP dans un appartement à Ankara, Ayse Bastimur, libérée pour six mois mi-juillet en raison de son état de santé, déclarait ainsi: "Je suis prête à mourir. Notre lutte en vaut la peine". Elle avait été condamnée à 15 ans de prison pour appartenance au DHKP-C.

"La résistance du gouvernement sera vaincue. D'autres prisonniers sont prêts à suivre la grève. Nous continuerons jusqu'à ce que nous soyons tous morts", expliquait-elle.

Pressures on political prisoners and their parents

Abdullah Akengin, chairman of the Solidarity with Prisonersπ Relatives Association (TUHAD-DER) held a press conference in the premises of the IHD Diyarbakir branch stating that the situation in prisons of the region under a state of emergency had become worse.

In Diyarbakir E-Type Prison visits had been restricted to 15 minutes and prisoners and visitors were forced to speak Turkish, since a new prison director had been appointed. In Siirt Closed Prison female prisoners were body searched after having been stripped stark naked. Akengin further alleged that the prisoners Yahya Perisan, Selim Yildirim, Mahfuz Dogrudemir, Aziz Aksahin and Fatma Kasan did not get the necessary treatment, although they are suffering from cancer.

Prisoners in Yozgat Prison announced that Sükrü Karacan was not treated, despite serious health problems. The prisoners also alleged that they were beaten during the count and did not receive papers or journals. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 8, 2001)

The Association of Prisonersπ Relatives (TUYAD) held a press conference in Istanbul on 7 August stating that prisoners, who had been taken from Gebze to Bolu F-type Prison, were being tortured. Speaking for the association Arzu Bektas said that the skull pan of Yusuf Polat had been broken und Ayhan Engin had lost consciousness after forcible feeding. Süleyman Gülbahar and Abdidin Gül had to be taken to Izmir State Hospital after their health deteriorated. In Izmir, 61 prisoners, 39 of them political, were taken from Buca Closed to Buca F-type Prison.

While the pressure on visitors of the solidarity hunger strikers in Küçükarmutlu (Istanbul) continues further harassment was reported from Ankara and Izmir. On 7 August a group of 20 people attacked the flat in Izmir, where Sükran Sahin and Ali Kocak are continuing their action. They beat the people in the house with sticks. Ali Kocak was reportedly beaten until he lost his consciousness. The attackers dragged him out of the room. No information has since then been received on his whereabouts. In Tuzlucayir quarters of Ankara the police tried to make ID checks in the house, where Ayse Bastimur and Özlem Durakcan are continuing the death fast.

The group of people conducting the death fast action in houses in Küçükarmutlu quarter (Istanbul) held a press conference on 20 August. Gamze Turan spoke in the name of 18 people on solidarity hunger strikes. She stated that families, who had taken their children to hospital, had done so under pressure of the police. Groups of prisoners in all F-type prisons were continuing their action and they would continue until the F-type prisons are closed. Gamze Turan complained that the roads to their houses were under control of the police and besides ID checks, people had been body searched and detained. 15 relatives of prisoners, who had occupied the premises of the Party for Freedom and Solidarity (ÖDP) in Diyarbakir, announcing to conduct a hunger strike against military operations in the South (Northern Iraq) and for the recognition of the Kurdish identity, were detained by the police on 20 August at 3pm. The names of three of them are: Remziye Ates, Nedret Demir and Mahmut Elyakut. (Cumhuriyet-Evrensel-Yedinci Gundem-TIHV, August 8-9-21, 2001)

Bullets removed from the prisoner's corpse

It was revealed that prior to the autopsies of Murat Ördekci, Cengiz Calikopran and Mustafa Yilmaz, who were killed during the "return to life" operation on 19 December 2000, the bullets were removed from the corpses. The autopsy report on Cengiz Calikoparan stated that he was hit by three bullets and the wounds had been enlarged later. Heavy metal was discovered in his clothing.

The report on Murat Ördekci stated that he had died from one shot, but the cartridge had not been found and the wound had been enlarged later. Four bullets had hit Mustafa Yilmaz, but three had been removed before the autopsy. Experts from the Forensic Institute stated that other pieces of metal found during the autopsies were rather hra and not bullets. An arms expert from the General Directorate of Security stated that Israel used arms for bullets with effect of shrapnel, produced in the USA. The expert added that such weapons were not produced in Turkey and not in possession of the Turkish police. (Radikal-TIHV, August 27, 2001)

Statistics on Prisoners Politiques

The General Directorate for Prisons in the Ministry of Justice announced that 59,901 prisoners (on remand or as convicts) were being held in the prisons as of July 2001. 12,529 of them are accused of murder, 9,027 of robbery and 5,237 are imprisoned in connection with the Law to Fight Terrorism (political offences).

The list is followed by 4,478 prisoners imprisoned for drug offences, 3,481 prisoners on charges of rape etc. and 2,097 prisoners were imprisoned according to provisions under Articles 125 to 157 TPC (offences against the State). 69 prisoners stand accused of an offence of Article 171 TPC (founding a secret organization against the personality of the State).

The Ministry of Justice also announced that 33,109 people had benefited from the Law on Conditional Release and Suspension of Sentences that entered into force on 21 December 2000. Among them 2,527 had not been released, because of other charges. 7,232 people had benefited from the law while being "on the run". Until 10 August only 162 former prisoners had been re-arrested on separate charges. (Radikal-Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 19-31, 2001)

Hunger striker condemned to death penalty

Hakki Alphan, on hunger strike in Ankara Closed Prison, was sentenced to death by Malatya SSC. The verdict of 17 August is based on the allegation of "leading membership of the Turkish Communist Party/ML-Workersπ and Peasants Liberation Army of Turkey (TKP/ML TIKKO) (Evrensel-TIHV, August 18, 2001)

IHD: Human rights violations in rise

There has been a sharp increase in allegations of torture and curbs on freedom of expression in Turkey, the country's Human Rights Association (IHD) said on August 23.

IHD head Husnu Ondul said 435 people had complained of torture in detention in the first half of this year, compared to 263 for the same period last year and 334 for the same period in 1999.

"It is clear that no improvement has been made in getting rid of torture since 1999," Ondul told a news conference to present the association's half-yearly report on human rights in Turkey.

Turkey, which is keen to join the European Union (news - web sites), has long pledged to root out such abuses.

Although accepted as a candidate for EU membership in 1999, it has yet to begin negotiations partly because of concern over its human rights record.

Critics say little is done to investigate charges of abuse and those who carry it out are rarely punished.

According to IHD figures, prosecutors charged 1,519 people in the first half of this year for views expressed in speeches or writing, and sought jail terms totaling 3,125 years for them.

The human rights group did not say how many people had been charged in previous years, but said the total jail terms sought in the first half of 1999 amounted to 372 years, and 813 years in the first half of last year.

Many politicians, writers and intellectuals face jail sentences on catch-all charges such as "separatist propaganda" or "provoking hatred" for what they have said or written.

Allegations of mistreatment at the hands of security forces are also common.

The laws are most often used against Kurdish activists or proponents of political Islam, two movements the establishment sees as a serious threat to the secular Turkish state. (Reuters, August 23, 2001)

Onze manifestants de Greenpeace interpellés

La police turque a interpellé lundi 11 activistes de l'organisation internationale de protection de l'environnement Greenpeace alors qu'ils manifestaient contre le projet américain de bouclier antimissile devant une base aérienne turco-américaine dans le sud de la Turquie, a indiqué l'organisation.

La manifestation s'inscrivait dans une série d'actions organisées dans le monde par Greenpeace à l'occasion du 56e anniversaire de l'explosion de la bombe atomique sur Hiroshima, a expliqué Greenpeace dans un communiqué.

Certains militants, portant des t-shirts arborant l'inscription "Arrêtez la guerre des étoiles", s'étaient enchaînés à la porte d'entrée de la base d'Incirlik à Adana, où est stationnée une force aérienne composée d'avions américains et britanniques dont la mission est de surveiller la zone d'interdiction aérienne du nord de l'Irak.

Un des manifestants était grimé en ange de la mort, vêtu d'une tunique découpée dans un drapeau américain et portant une faux, un autre s'était enfermé dans une petite cage de fer pour figurer "les pressions du gouvernement américain visant à intimider les pacifiques défenseurs de l'environnement", selon le communiqué.

Melda Keskin, membre de la représentation à Istanbul de Greenpeace Méditerranée, a estimé dans ce texte que le programme de défense antimissile de Washington ne servirait qu'à relancer la course à l'armement nucléaire.

"La mort et les souffrances de milliers de victimes de Hiroshima et Nagasaki ne doivent pas pouvoir être répétées", a ajouté Melda Keskin.

"Ce ne sont pas les manifestations pacifiques qui doivent être interdites, c'est le programme +Guerre des Etoiles+", a-t-elle affirmé.

Les manifestants ont également dénoncé les poursuites engagées aux Etats-Unis contre 15 membres de Greenpeace et 2 journalistes après une manifestation contre de récents essais de missile à la base aérienne de Vandenberg, en Californie.

Le communiqué de Greenpeace indique que des membres de la sécurité de la base d'Incirlik ont évacué les manifestants de l'autre côté de la route pour des raisons de sécurité, avant que la police ne place tout le monde en garde à vue. (AFP, 6 août 2001)

Manifestants interpellés avant la visite de Sharon

La police turque a interpellé à Istanbul le 8 août 40 personnes qui protestaient contre la visite en Turquie du Premier ministre israélien, et des manifestants ont réclamé à Ankara l'annulation des accords bilatéraux, rapporte l'agence Anatolie.

A Istanbul, un groupe d'étudiants lançant des slogans hostiles à Israel et aux Etats-Unis s'est rassemblé dans un parc du quartier de Bakirkoy, dans la partie européenne de la ville, pour faire une déclaration, dit Anatolie.

Les policiers ont procédé à leur interpellation quand les manifestants ont refusé de se disperser, selon la même source.

Dans la capitale Ankara, des militants d'un parti de gauche et de deux syndicats ont dénoncé la visite du Premier ministre israélien en Turquie et réclamé l'annullation des accords bilatéraux conclus entre la Turquie et l'état hébreu, annonce Anatolie.

Le rassemblement s'est terminé sans violence ni intervention de la police.

le 7 août, La police turque a arrêté mardi à Istanbul 131 manifestants opposés à la politique israélienne à l'égard des Palestiniens, à la veille d'une visite d'une journée à Ankara du Premier ministre israélien Ariel Sharon, a annoncé l'agence turque Anatolie.

Les forces de l'ordre, en tenue anti-émeutes, ont d'abord arrêté dix femmes, portant le voile islamique, alors que les manifestants se réunissaient devant une grande école du district de Beyoglu, dans le quartier européen d'Istanbul, pour protester contre la politique israélienne envers les Palestiniens, rapporte Anatolie.

Les policiers, déployés en nombre dans l'attente de la manifestation, ont ensuite arrêté cinq autres personnes quand un groupe de manifestants s'est mis à scander des slogans comme "Maudit soit Israël", puis des échauffourées ont éclaté entre policiers et manifestants.

Par la suite, 116 autres personnes soupçonnées d'être venues à Beyoglu pour participer à la manifestation ont été placées en garde à vue.

Plus tard dans la journée, environ 150 manifestants se sont réunis au même endroit pour une deuxième manifestation anti-israélienne, sous haute surveillance policière. Elle s'est terminée dans le calme, a constaté un correspondant de l'AFP.

"Israël est un meurtrier", scandaient les manifestants, brandissant des pancartes qui portaient des slogans comme "Israël: sang, larmes et massacre" ou "Ariel Sharon = Adolf Hitler". (AFP, 7-8 août 2001)

Plus de 5000 balles tirées en 25 minutes

La commune d'Akkise dans la province de Konya a été, le 11 août, théâtre de violents incidents après l'intervention musclée de la gendarmerie turque sur la place communale où se déroulait une fête organisée à l'honneur des jeunes partant pour leur service national.

La commune déplore la mort d'Hasan Gultekin, un jeune appelé de 20 ans et plusieurs blessés dont certains dans une situation critique. Le commandant de la gendarmerie, Ali Çaliskan, relevé de ses fonctions depuis lors, a justifié l'intervention qu'il qualifie d'"opération de tranquillité" par le fait que les villageois aient refusé un contrôle d'identité de routine effectué par une unité de la gendarmerie.

Selon Ali Çaliskan, après un premier refus, les forces de l'ordre fortes de 50 gendarmes arrivés sur les lieux, auraient été attaquées par les villageois à coup de chaises, de couteaux et de bâtons

Les premiers éléments d'enquête ont cependant démontré qu'en vingt-cinq minutes d'altercation, plus de 5000 balles ont été tirées à l'aveuglette par la gendarmerie; des impacts de balles ont été trouvés aussi bien sur la place que sur la mosquée et les maisons aux alentours ont été criblées de balles.

Les organisations de défense des droits de l'homme ont dénoncé les troubles et les méthodes du commandant de la gendarmerie qui était auparavant en poste dans la région kurde où tout est permis aux militaires et qui n'est pas à son premier abus de pouvoir. (CILDEKT, 17 Août 2001)

Un important homme d'affaires d'origine juive assassiné

Un influent homme d'affaires turc d'origine juive, Uzeyir Garih, a été assassiné à l'arme blanche, et son corps a été retrouvé samedi dans un cimetière d'Istanbul, a annoncé la police.

Le corps de M. Garih, 72 ans, co-président avec M. Ishak Alaton du groupe Alarko fondé en 1954 et spécialisé notamment dans l'électroménager et l'énergie, a été retrouvé dans le cimetière d'Eyup, dans la partie européenne de la métropole.

Le ministre turc de l'Intérieur, Rustu Kazim Yucelen, a exclu un attentat terroriste ou à caractère politique lors d'une conférence de presse à Istanbul.

On ignore les motifs du meurtre, qui s'est produit peu avant que le cadavre, qui porte plusieurs blessures de couteau, ne soit découvert, selon la chaîne d'information NTV.

Selon un rapport d'autopsie, M. Garih, figure importante de la communauté juive de Turquie et très respecté dans les milieux d'affaires, a été assassiné de plusieurs coups de couteau dans le cimetière où il se rendait sur la tombe d'un proche. Ses objets personnels, dont un portefeuille, n'ont pas été dérobés.

Un groupe français, la Société nationale d'électricité et de thermique (SNET), et Alarko avaient scellé en avril à Istanbul un accord de partenariat pour la production d'énergie thermique en Turquie. (AFP, 25 août 2001)

Amnesty International's report concerns in Turkey

The following document has been extracted from a document, CONCERNS IN EUROPE: January - June 2001 issued by Amnesty International.

Introduction

In March Turkey submitted a National Program outlining steps to be taken to meet the Copenhagen political criteria, a precondition for the start of accession negotiations with the European Union (EU). The National Program responded to short-term (2001) and medium-term objectives outlined by the EU in a memorandum adopted in December 2000. Yet at the same time, there was no major improvement on the ground: with the opening of the fiercely debated high security ≥F-Type prisons≤ [see below] some thousand prisoners were kept under a regime of prolonged isolation. The pressure on human rights defenders increased. Freedom of expression continued to be restricted. Torture remained widespread and the perpetrators were rarely brought to justice. There were numerous reports about political killings, some of which could be extrajudicial executions.

Regimes of isolation in the new ≥F-Type≤ Prisons

After the prison operation on 19 December 2000 hundreds of male political prisoners were transferred under excessive force to three so-called ≥F-Type≤ prisons. The outdated system of large dormitories, which used to hold 60 or more prisoners, was being replaced with smaller cells, mainly in the F-Type prisons. By June four F-Type prisons were already in use, and seven more were being constructed. They have single and three-person cells with adjacent yards for three prisoners at the most. For months the inmates of F-Type prisons were kept in solitary confinement or small group isolation. They were able to interact at most with two other prisoners, but had no opportunity to associate with other prisoners. Such prolonged isolation can cause serious physical and mental harm and amount too cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. AI calls for it to be ended immediately.

Since October, hundreds of political prisoners have protested against isolation with hunger strikes, as a result of which 26 people (21 prisoners and 5 relatives) had died by the end of June. Upon judicial decision isolation conditions can even be increased. AI learned that in Tekirdag F-Type prison Baki Yas, who had received an additional sentence of two years confinement, has been held in a small cell without windows since April. He has not been allowed to receive letters from his family, and only since June is he is reportedly let into the yard for two hours a day. Only every 16th and 17th day he is allowed to see a doctor, his lawyer and relatives, and to have a full day in the yard. Article 16 of the Anti-Terror Law ? which laid down the draconian regime of intense isolation, but was rarely implemented before the opening of the F-Type prisons - was finally amended in early May so as to allow prisoners to participate in communal activities such as sport and education, and to receive unobstructed visits. Although a welcome and overdue step, the wording of the law suggests that these rights will be provided at the discretion of the prison authorities.

The use of communal areas is granted only within the ≥framework of rehabilitation and education programs≤. When an ad-hoc delegation of the European Parliament visited two F-Type prisons in early June, they found that the common areas were not yet ready for use. They concluded that ≥isolation was almost total and therefore excessive, provocative and a form of unnecessary oppression, which can be a form of psychological torture≤. In its campaigning AI has been urging the Turkish authorities to take the following measures to bring the situation in Turkish prisons into line with international standards: regimes of small-group isolation and solitary confinement in F-Type and other prisons should end immediately and prisoners should be allowed to spend at least eight hours of the day taking part in communal activities outside their living units as called for by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT); prisoners should never be tortured or ill-treated; an independent and comprehensive investigation should be launched into the deaths and allegations of ill-treatment and torture during the December operation, the results made public and anyone identified as responsible brought to justice; prisons should be open to the scrutiny of human rights defenders, including doctors and lawyers, to ensure they are run in accordance with Turkish law and international standards.

Torture and disappearances still widespread

In the first half of 2001 AI continued to receive reports on torture and ill-treatment from different parts of the country. On a mission to Turkey in June, the AI delegates interviewed torture victims and their lawyers throughout the country and obtained numerous reports and documents on torture and ill-treatment. The victims included people suspected of protests against the F-Type prisons, pro-Kurdish, Islamist or leftist activities, corruption or criminal offences. Some of the alleged victims were women and children.

In Turkey, torture mainly occurs in the first days in police or gendarmerie custody, when the detainees are held without any contact to the outside world. Detainees are routinely blindfolded during interrogations, some of them throughout the police detention. Other methods of torture and ill-treatment regularly reported include heavy beating, being stripped naked, sexual abuse, death and rape threats, other psychological torture, and deprivation of sleep, food, drink and use of the toilet. Some detainees are also exposed to electric shocks, hanging by the arms, spraying with cold pressurized water and falaka (beating of the soles of the feet). Reports about ill-treatment in the F-Type prisons are difficult to check because of the restricted access to these prisons.

In addition AI has increasingly received reports about the use of excessive force during mass arrests, torture with the aim to recruit informers and, in the case of suspected members of the Islamist armed group Hizbullah, prolonged police detention for several weeks or months. Although some legal changes were initiated, no actual measures were taken in the first half of 2001 to reinforce the fight against torture.

The authorities remained reluctant to investigate allegations of torture.(ä) In December 2000 Turkish parliament adopted a so-called ≥amnesty≤ law  which allows for the suspension of investigations and trials on ill-treatment. AI has documented that prosecutions for torture are rare and when convictions are secured they are usually for crimes classified as ≥ill-treatment.≤ Under the ≥amnesty≤ law any security force members imprisoned following conviction of ill-treatment committed before 23 April 1999 are to be released and all trials and investigations in relation to charges of ill-treatment are being suspended for five years.

During the first half of 2001 AI frequently had to appeal to the Turkish authorities because of unacknowledged detentions which carry the risk of ≥disappearance≤. Two representatives of HADEP, Serdar Tanis and Ebubekir Deniz, still remain missing since 25 January when they were called to visit the gendarmerie station in Silopi in the southeastern province of Sirnak.

Freedom of expression remains restricted

As a result of Law 4610 on conditional releases and the postponement of trials and sentences for offences committed before 23 April 1999, reportedly some 23,000 prisoners were released between 25 December 2000 and March 2001. Among them was the blind lawyer Esber Yagmurdereli who had been adopted as a prisoner of conscience by AI. He was conditionally released on 18 January.

Yet some of the prisoners of conscience were excluded from this law because they were sentenced under articles outside the scope of the law, for example the four former MPs of the Democracy Party (DEP), which had been banned in the meantime. Human rights defenders, writers, politicians, religious leaders, trade unionists and many others in Turkey continued to be tried and imprisoned for exercising their right to freedom of expression, particularly when they expressed opinions on the Kurdish question, the prisons or the role of Islam.

One of them is Dr Fikret Baskaya, the founder and chairman of the Turkey and Middle East Forum Foundation. On 1 June 1999, he had published an article titled ≥A Question of History?≤ in the daily newspaper Özgür Bakis, in which he questioned the viability of the Turkish stateπs approach towards the Kurdish problem following the arrest of Abdullah Öcalan. As a result, he was indicted under Article 8/1 of the Anti-Terror Law for ≥disseminating separatist propaganda through the press≤. Istanbul State Security Court sentenced him to 16 monthsπ imprisonment and a fine on 13 June 2000. He was remanded to prison on 29 June 2001. AI has adopted Dr Fikret Baskaya as a prisoner of conscience and is campaigning for his immediate and unconditional release.

The EU and the Council of Europe have called Turkey to comply with Article 10 of the European Convention. Turkeyπs National Program mentions a ≥review≤ of some articles which have frequently been used to restrict freedom of expression, but again links the intended reform to ≥basic principles of the Turkish Constitution, in particular those concerning the secular and democratic character of the Republic, national unity and the unitary state model≤. AI is concerned that this wording suggests that restrictions which do not comply with Article 10 will be retained. Therefore AI continues to campaign for a thorough reform of law and practice to fully ensure freedom of expression in Turkey.

Violations des droits des droits de l'Homme en bref

EMEP Executives detained

Hasan Ertugrul, board member of the Labor Party (EMEP) in Tunceli was detained on 1 August. Apparently he was detained because he was carrying the daily "Evrensel", but released after two hours of interrogation at Tunceli Police HQ. (Evrensel, August 2, 2001)

No Prosecution of Torture

The Chief Office of Prosecution in Ankara that prepared a file against MP Sema Piskinsüt for "not providing the names of people alleging that they had been tortured" has a bad record on investigating torture complaints. G.H., who complained of torture because he used his right not to testify did not succeed in bringing the torturers to justice. Ankara Chief Office of Prosecution decided against charges despite the fact that G.H. was certified 25 daysπ inability to work. H.G. had to be taken to hospital by his brother after officers from Ankara Police HQ. beat him for 40 minutes. The prosecution again decided not to prosecute this case. D.C. (14) was taken to a police station for a confrontation in a case of theft. He alleged to have been hosed with ice-cold water and beaten in order to confess the crime. The Chief Prosecution Office of Ankara turned his complaint down, although the boy had a medical report. In the case of some 100 complaints from Ulucanlar Prison the prosecution first forwarded the file on 120 members of the security forces to the governor. The governor decided against prosecution, but the administrative court overruled the decision. The prosecutor had to bring charges, but did so without asking for any sentence. (Milliyet, August 2, 2001)

NGO executives on Trial

The Chief Prosecution's Office in Istanbul has indicted 7 representatives of organizations of civil societies (NGO) on allegations of "having insulted the security forces". On 20 December 2000 Eren Keskin, chairwoman of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD), Vahit Genc, chairman of the Party for Freedom and Solidarity (ÖDP) in Istanbul, Mustafa Aytas, chairman of the Democracy and Peace Party (DBP) in Istanbul, Dogan Erbas, chairman of the HADEP in Istanbul, Kamil Tekin Sürek, chairman of the Labor Party (EMEP) in Istanbul and Ibrahim Kudis, member of the trade union KESK had filed an official complaint against some officials in connection with the "Return to Life" operation. The trial will be held at Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 and the defendants have to expect sentences of between 2 and 12 years. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 3, 2001)

New torture case in Solhan

Behçet Çiçek alleged that he was tortured in Solhan (Bingöl) on 2 August, after he had been stopped in his car. He said: "When I got out of the car I asked åwhatπs happening?π and they immediately started to beat me. Later they took me to the police station in Solhan. They tied my legs with a chain and started to beat me. I was bleeding from my mouth and nose. All the police officers participated in the beating. In the evening they dropped me close to my house." Behçet Çiçek added that he was medically examined on 3 August and received a report on 3 daysπ inability to work. Later he went to the prosecutor for an official complaint. He was sent to hospital and received another report certifying inability to work for 5 days. At the police station Mr. Çiçek identified the police officers at the station where his blood could still be seen. Behçet Çiçek said that he has a record for involvement with the PKK and, therefore, the police was constantly harassing him. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 6, 2001)

Detention of EMEP officials

In Istanbul the executives and members of the Labor Party (EMEP), Özgür Sagiroglu, Mesut Sagiroglu, Meryem Durmaz, Yilmaz Agbulut and Bülent Ulus were detained on 2 August, when they distributed leaflets in front of the factories Altinyildiz and Beymen, where the workers are on strike. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 4, 2001)

Death Penalty Demanded

On 7 August the trial against Cahit Aydin, Mecit Alagöz, Mehmet Aras and Ebubekir Yalu charged with "membership of the PKK and the killing of Abdulvahap Akar" continued at Erzurum SSC. The prosecution has asked for the death penalty against the defendants under Article 125 TPC. Abdulvahap Akar, then chairman of the Welfare Party (RP) was kidnapped on 6 April 1994. Three village headmen, who had also been kidnapped, were released, but the corpse of Abdulvahap Akar was found on 11 April 1994. (TIHV, August 8, 2001)

IP Deputy Chairman to be Retried

The 4th Chamber of the Court of Cassation quashed the acquittal of Hasan Yalçin, deputy chairman of the Workersπ Party (IP), for an article he wrote on 9 March 1997 in the journal "Aydinlik" under the title of "The brain in our hands". Ankara Penal Court No. 2 had acquitted Hasan Yalçin of the charges of "insulting the leader of the BBP, Muhsin Yazicioglu". The sentence against the editor-in-chief Ruhsar Senoglu was suspended according to Law 4304 on Suspension of Sentences of Editors-in-Chief. The Court of Cassation ruled that this verdict had to be reviewed in the light of Law 4454 of 3 September 1999 and Law 4616 of 20 December 2000. (TIHV, August 8, 2001)

Trial of an Islamic Organization

The prosecutionπs office at Istanbul SSC launched a case against 15 people on accusations of membership of the radical Islam organization "Islami Teblig Cemaati". The prosecutor demanded sentences of between 5 and 10 yearsπ imprisonment for 5 defendants and a minimum of 3 yearsπ imprisonment for 10 defendants. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 9, 2001)

Detentions and Arrests of EMEP members

On 7 August the police detained 5 members of the Labor Party (EMEP), including the executives Ali Ekber Ulusoy and Ismet Ispartali, in Eskisehir, when they distributed leaflets in front of a factory with striking workers. They were released shortly afterwards. In Manisa the trade unionists Cafer Kömürcü, Sedat Öztürk and Düzgün Kömürcü from the trade union of workers in the car industry (TÜMTIS). On 7 July Cafer Kömürcü had been the target of an armed attack. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 9, 2001)

Human Rights Defenders Hindered

Human rights defenders, who wanted to research the situation in Asat and Ortakli villages (Beytüssebap district, Sirnak), which had been evacuated on 20 July and the food embargo against Ulucak, Dagalti and Hisarkapi villages were hindered by the security forces. The delegation talked to a group of 500 people, who had settled in tents outside Beytüssebap and later went to Ulucak village. In the evening of 8 August they wanted to return to Sirnak and were kept waiting by the security forces for 2.5 hours. Notes, films and photographs were confiscated. Rasim Acan (17), who accompanied the delegation, was detained. Attempts of the delegation to meet the governor or his deputy today failed. The members of the delegation are: Osman Baydemir (IHD), Sehmus Ülek (Mazlum-Der), Celal Besiktepe (TMMOB), Ismail Poyraz (IHD), Feray Salman (TIHV), Hanefi Isik (IHD), Dr. Kamuran Yildirim (Turkish Medical Association), Zülfü Demir (Göc-Der), Arif Akkaya, Yakup Keskin and Bahri Karhan (from the Democracy Platform in Diyarbakir). (TIHV, August 9, 2001)

Child shot by the Police

On 9 August three police officers following thieves (kapkaç = grab and run) in Kocamustafapasa quarter of Istanbul fired blank cartridges in a crowded. The child Gökhan Dilmen (10) was hit at his stomach. He had to be taken to the hospital of Istanbul Medical Faculty, where he underwent surgery. His mother Müesser Dilmen said that they would file an official complaint against the police officers. (Hürriyet-TIHV, August 10, 2001)

Death Penalties Demanded

The prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC indicted Abdülvahap Ekinci, who had been detained in Istanbul on 28 May on suspicion of involvement in the assassination of Diyarbakir Chief of Police, Gaffar Okkan and was arrested in Diyarbakir on 2 June. The prosecutor holds Mr. Ekinci responsible for the kidnapping and killing of Yasin Özalp, Hatip Pirizade, Aziz Basak, Nurettin Günes, Hasan Bozan and Suat Erciyes as well as the wounding of 3 people and demanded the death penalty according to Article 146 of the TPC. On the other hand,  the case concerning the bomb attack on Çankiri Governor Ayhan Çevik (5 March 1999), during which 4 people continued at Ankara SSC on 9 August. Five of the 29 defendants and their lawyers participated. Presiding judge Hüseyin Eken noted that the objection against the decision not to release the defendant Savas Kör because of health problems due to the death fast action had not been dealt with by Istanbul SSC. Defendant Kemal Ertürk stated that he could not present his final defense, because the notes he prepared in prison had been taken away from him. He then mentioned that the defendant Muharrem Horoz had died on day 236 of the death fast action, but was not allowed to speak on the subject. The court noted to have been informed on the death of the defendant in Izmit State Hospital on 3 August. The court rejected the demand and decided to wait for a decision of Istanbul SSC. The lawyers asked for the release of the defendants. In summing up the case the prosecution demanded the death penalty for Kemal Ertürk, Lale Açik, Nihat Konak, Küçük Hasan Çoban, Kemal Kaygisiz, Mesut Deniz and Muharrem Horoz according to Article 146 of the TPC; sentences of between 15 and 22.5 yearsπ imprisonment for Sener Kökten, Savas Kör, Hakan Eren, Erkan Balçik and Devrim Karacan under Article 168/2 of the TPC for "membership of the Turkish Workersπ and Peasantsπ Liberation Army (TIKKO); and terms of between 4.5 yearsπ and 7.5 yearsπ imprisonment for Özgür Deniz Demirdis, Bülent Ertürk, Arap Deniz, Bilal Ekin, Halil Köseoglu, Cemile Sönmez, Serdar Çitil and Murat Yilmaz under Article 169 TPC for "assisting members of TIKKO". The prosecution wanted Sevinç Güden, Selahattin Yurdaer, Murat Demirdis, Turan Açik, Ömer Necmi Hatipoglu, Aziz Batur, Cafer Kaya Bozkurt, Metin Sezgin and Eren Karacan to be acquitted. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 10, 2001)

Human Rights Defenders in Danger

Lawyer Osman Baydemir, deputy chairman of the Human Rights Association (IHD) was detained together with Rasim Acan (18) in Sirnak on 8 and 9 August. The detentions followed investigations of a group of 10 people made up of representatives from Turkish human rights organizations including the IHD and the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TIHV) as well as trade unionists and journalists into allegations of torture and other human rights violations by the security forces. On 8 August they had taken testimony from Rasim Acan in Beytüssebap. He was afraid that speaking to the group would put him in danger, so they were taking him home in their vehicles when they were stopped and searched at a gendarmerie checkpoint. The gendarmes detained Rasim Acan, but released the others after confiscating their notes, videos and photographs relating to their research. Three lawyers from the group were able to visit him at the gendarmerie headquarters in Sirnak the following day. They saw that he had had electrodes attached to his testicles and toes, and had been hung up by his arms which had been tied behind his back. He told them that the gendarmes had forced him to sign a confession that the delegation had bribed him to give them false testimony against the security forces. Osman Baydemir was taken in for questioning by the prosecutor in Sirnak town on 9 August, but later released. Despite the fact that Rasim Acan rejected his testimony to the police he was arrested on charges brought under Article 159 TPC (insulting the authorities). (TIHV, August 10, 2001)

Person Killed by the Gendarmerie

On 10 August at 9 pm a group of gendarmes wanted to conduct an ID check in a teahouse in Akkise town, Ahirli district (Konya). Some of the juveniles, apparently having gathered because a few were about to start their military service, refused. The quarrel intensified, when the gendarmerie wanted to detain two of the young people. Sergeant Recep Karabacak ordered the retreat of about 20 gendarmes, because the crowd had started to throw chairs at them. Having left at about 10pm another troops returned at about 11pm. Reportedly Sergeant Ali Caliskan stepped on a table and, with his automatic rifle in his hand, wanted to hold a speech. He then fired a shot in the air and ordered the soldiers to do likewise. The crowd tried to run away, but the bullets hit some. Hasan Gültekin (21), who would have started his military service next week, died on the spot. Sami Tokmak (20), Halil Ibrahim Erkul (21) and Kemal Candan (27) were severely injured. They were taken to hospital together with Ismet Tasbasi (57) and Murat Kurum, who had been injured by rifle butts. There are further allegations against Sergeant Caliskan. He reportedly ordered to shoot at women, when the gendarmerie was tracing an event of smuggling and allegedly he beat the 56-year-old woman Ümmügülsüm Erbil. Meanwhile, experts of the Ministry of the Interior and the General Command of the Gendarmerie started to investigate the incident. First reports indicated that 25 soldiers, 10 of them officers, had been injured during the event. (Cumhuriyet-Hürriyet-Radikal-TIHV, August 11-12-13, 2001)

Detentions and Arrests in different cities

 On 9 August the girls S.G. (17) and M.Y. (17) were detained together with Erkan Gümüs. It was alleged that they had come from Istanbul to Kemaliye district (Erzincan) in order to join the Turkish Communist Party/ML-Workersπ and Peasants Liberation Army of Turkey (TKP/ML TIKKO). Kamuran Çelik, who had been detained in Gümüldür district (Izmir), was arrested by Izmir SSC on 11 August for alleged "membership of the PKK". Sinan Güngör from the music group "Munzur" and Erkan Güngör (from the theater group "Babil"). Who had been detained in Erzincan on 8 August, were arrested on 10 August. During protests against the 6th US-Fleet 12 people were detained in Istanbul on 11 August (Evrensel-Hürriyet-TIHV, August 11-12-13, 2001)

Repressive operations in Akkise

 The human rights organization Mazlum-Der published a report on the events in Akkise town (Ahirli district, Konya) of 10 August. Mustafa Akmese, chairman of the Konya branch of Mazlum-Der, Adem Seles and lawyer Mustafa Atilgan, prepared the report. They stated that the events had a previous history. Sergeant Ali Caliskan had been trying to exert pressure on the population since his appointment six months ago. Three months ago he had ordered to shoot at a house, where only women were preparing for a wedding. One young woman had been detained and tortured over 8 days. Two months ago he had detained Sükrü Gültekin (elderly brother of Hasan Gültekin, who died during the event) and Ali Arac, because they did not carry their IDs with them. He had tortured them over 1.5 hours with their eyes being blindfolded. The people from Akkise provided the following information on the latest event: "When the gendarmerie came the second time sergeant Ali Caliskan accompanied them in civilian dress. He had a pistol in one hand and an automatic rifle in the other. He was cursing and swearing and did not listen to Mayor Abdullah Kayaalp or other senior citizens. Some soldiers fired in the air and other were ordered to gather the cartridge cases. The event lasted for more than 20 minutes and more shots were fired, than the 920 found cartridge cases indicate." Yusuf Gültekin, uncle of Hasan Gültekin, apparently saw that Ali Caliskan shot his nephew. The report from Mazlum-Der further stated that despite official announcement none of the military vehicles was damaged and there were no inured soldiers. At the end of the report several questions were asked: "Why should an ID check be so important in a town, where everybody knows each other? Why did the investigation only start at 7am, although the officials arrived at 2am? Why were 86 bullets shot at the mosque? Who are the soldiers involved in the event and why have the allegedly injured soldiers not been named? Has anyone been detained?" Meanwhile Sergeant Ali Caliskan was suspended from duty and three of the five injured people were able to leave hospital. (Akit-Evrensel-TIHV, August 14, 2001)

Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul

Istanbul SSC ordered the arrest of Tekin Tangün, SG of the Association of Solidarity with Prisonersπ Families (TAYAD), Metin Yavuz, editor-in-chief of the journal "Vatan" and the reporter Ercan Gökoglu on allegations of "organizing the hunger strikes". They had been among 13 people detained on 8 August during a raid on the premises of the journal "Vatan". (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 15, 2001) Arife Onat, Yücel Çakmak, Yilmaz Küçük and Baris Akar, executives and members of the Labor Party (EMEP) were detained, when they distributed leaflet in Istanbul Bagcilar quarters. They were released after 12 hours. Abdulkerim Yananer and Abdullah Okur, executives of the HADEP in Mersin, who had been detained during a meeting in Mersin on 12 August held in preparation for the 1 September meeting in Ankara and subsequently been arrested, were released from prison on 16 August on objection of their lawyers. In Istanbul 23 members of HADEP, who had been detained on 14 August were released. Haydar Isiktas was transferred to Diyarbakir, apparently in connection with separate charges. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 17, 2001)

Extra legal execution in Ipsala

On 16 August soldier Sedat Basakci stabbed Yusuf Alver (35) with a bayonet. The event happened in a military zone near Saricaali village, Ipsala district (Edirne). Yusuf Alver allegedly tried to take 26 foreigners over the border to Greece and did not react to "stop warnings", but walked onto the soldier. He died on his way to Ipsala State Hospital. The gendarmerie in Ipsala stated that after interrogation the 26 foreigners would be taken to the Foreigners and Passport Department of Police HQ. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 17, 2001)

Detentions and Arrests in Side

On 17 August Naim H. was detained in Side (Antalya). Allegedly a facsimile he sent to the Prime Minister, the Chief of General Staff and some ministries contained "insulting words". The police in Diyarbakir announced the detention of 18 members of the radical Islam organization Hezbollah, during operations between 1 and 8 August. Three of the unnamed suspects are said to be members of the military wing and held responsible for 15 actions including the killing of Nazmi Yildirmaz and M. Nuri Demiralp in Diyarbakir. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 18, 2001)

Petitions to the Human Rights Commission

During the last year 1,442 people appealed to the Human Rights Commission in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The Commission dealt with 1,078 of them. Most petitions came from the prisons (215), followed by complaints about criminal procedures (courts, 151). 79 people appealed to the Commission in connection with detention, torture and ill-treatment. The rest of the petitions were related to a number of areas, such as migration, pension, headscarves etc. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, August 19, 2001)

Torture in Diyarbakir

Yasar Atalan and Adil Atay, who were detained in Diyarbakir on 13 August, alleged that they were tortured at Diyarbakir Police HQ. During the first four days they were not allowed to see anybody. Five days later, two lawyers from the Human Rights Association (IHD), visited the men, in the presence of the police at the Anti- Terror branch of Diyarbakir Police HQ. The lawyers reported that Adil Atay was unable to stand on his feet, his hair was wet and his shirt was torn.  He told them how he had been tortured: he had been given electric shocks, hosed with pressurized water and had his testicles squeezed. He reported that he had fainted twice a day as a result of being tortured and that he had been suffering from heart problems. He was also kept blindfolded at all times. Although illiterate, he was forced to sign three separate documents, the contents of which he did not know. Yasar Atalan told the lawyers that he was also tortured and that he too had his testicles squeezed. On 19 August, Yasar Atalan's parents were called to the police headquarters. They were told that their son had "left the organization" (namely the PKK). The parents were asked to encourage him to become an informer in return for a reduced sentence. They were told, "otherwise actions could be taken against the family". (TIHV, August 21, 2001)

Torture in Van

From Van it was reported that the girl F.D.F. (16), who had been detained on 30 June, was subjected to a forcible test of her virginity. She was detained with another 10 people on suspicion that they might join the PKK. In his application her lawyer Bekir Kaya stated: "My client was taken from Yoldöndü Gendarmerie Station to a hospital in Van without her consent. Dr. Emine Karabulut subjected her to a test of virginity without the necessary permission. On 3 July my client was taken to Van State Hospital. Dr. Adnan Soner and Dr. Enver Sultanoglu certified that me client was not "raped". This practice amounts to a violation of Article 243 TPC and is also in violation of the decree by the Ministry of Justice of 1999, providing that nobody can be subjected to a forcible test of virginity." Lawyer Bekir Kaya added that his client was under 18 years of age and there was the necessity of a lawyer being present during interrogation. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 21, 2001)

Files on Death Penalty in Parliament

The death penalty of 31 people in connection with the events in Sivas, when 37 people burnt to death in the Hotel Madimak, reached the Grand National Assembly. The number of files on cases of death penalty awaiting ratification by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) has increased to 65. The number of people involved is 116. The names of the 31 people sentenced to death for the Sivas events are: Muhsin Erbas, Harun Gülbas, Bekir Çinar, Erol Sarikaya, Ahmet Turan Kiliç, Kenan Kale, Harun Yildiz, Zafer Yelok, Yunis Karatas, Halil Ibrahim Düzbiçer, Ömer Faruk Gez, Ahmet Oflaz, Ekrem Kurt, Erkan Çetinbas, Faruk Sarikaya, Hayrettin Gül, Harun Kavak, Süleyman Toksun, Hayrettin Yegin, Mehmet Yilmaz, Adem Kozu, Mustafa Ugur Yaras, Faruk Belkavakli, Ömer Demir, Alim Özhan, Ibrahim Duran, Etem Ceylan, Vahit Kaynar, Turan Kaya, Cafer Tayyar Soykök and Faruk Ceylan. (Hürriyet-TIHV, August 21, 2001)

Detentions and Arrests in Bingol

In Karliova district (Bingöl) Abdullah Yagan was detained, after an officer had complained that he was playing Kurdish music in his minibus. Abdullah Yagan reportedly was taken to the prosecutor, while the police confiscated three cassettes, the driving license and the paper of the car. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 22, 2001)

203 Torture Trials in 1.5 years

Rüstü Kazim Yücelen, Minister of the Interior, answered a parliamentary question raised by Rize MP Mehmet Bekaroglu. He stated that 203 police officers had been put on trial for an offence of Article 243 TPC (torture) between 1 January 2000 and 30 June 2001. The trials of 26 were still continuing and among the other defendants 117 had been acquitted, 14 had been rejected by court, 29 had resulted in decisions not to prosecute, 13 cases had been suspended and 30 police officers had been convicted. Administrative investigations had been conducted against 101 staff of the police with the result that there was no need for punishment. (Hürriyet-TIHV, August 23, 2001)

Torture Allegations in Hezbollah Trial

On 22 August the trial against Mehmet Fidanci, accused of 14 killings including the assassination of Diyarbakir Chief of Police Gaffar Okkan, started at Diyarbakir SSC. When the indictment had been read out the defendant said that he was not responsible for the killings. He accepted to be a member of the "community" (the radical Islam organization Hezbollah), but said that he did not regret it, because he had done nothing against the State. He said: "I was detained on 24 March 2001. Over 20 days I was interrogated at an unknown place. I was taken several times from the prosecutor to prison and from there to the police. Iπm still afraid of being taken to the police. Fearing for my life I prefer to talk about some things later." When the defendant was reminded of his testimonies to the police and the prosecutor and the minutes on the on-site inspection he stated that he had confessed for fear of being tortured again. Having followed the incidents from the press he had been able to show the places. The defendant asked the court for a defense lawyer and the court adjourned the hearing to a later date. At Adana SSC the trial of 12 defendants accused of "membership of Hezbollah" continued on 22 August. The defendants Sabri Yaprak, Mehmet Ali Harat, Mustafa Yayar, Orhan Harat, Mehmet Kiliç, Mehmet Faik Dogan, Tahir Kiliç, Aydin Erdem and Sabri Yüzgeç are in pre-trial detention, while the defendants Ahmet Aydin, Ömer Çelikay and Hasan Oguz are being tried without arrest. (Evrensel-Hürriyet-TIHV, August 23, 2001)

Civil Servants on Trial

A court case was opened against Durmus Bastürk, spokesperson at the time for the Confederation of Trade Unions in the Public Sector (KESK) and 11 trade unionists in connection with a press statement in Sivas on 31 May. The defendants Durmus Bastürk, Mehmet Ali Korkmaz, Mustafa Akyol, Satilmis Baskavak, Hacer Çakmakli, Güngör Malkoçoglu, Adnan Özçelik, Hidayet Yildirim, Üstüner Erdogan, Elif Karadeniz, Filiz Yildirim and Dündar Akbulut are being accused of conducting an illegal demonstration. They have to expect sentences of up to 3 yearsπ imprisonment. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, August 23, 2001)

Death in police custody

Özgür Ünal (16) student in secondary education, who was detained in Edremit district (Balikesir) on 22 August, was found dead in his cell on 23 August. On 21 August police officers came to the petrol station of his father at 9pm and detained him saying that they had received complaints. He was taken to Edremit Police HQ., where his corpse was found on 23 August at 10am. Balikesir Chief of Police, Kemal Iskender, maintained that the juvenile committed suicide by tying the blanketπs border sheet to the heating system. Following an autopsy at Bursa Forensic Institute he was buried in his hometown Manisa. His father Osman Ünal said: "Two policemen detained Özgür and took him to Edremit Police HQ. I went there, too. First they said that my son was driving a motorcycle without a license. Therefore, my motorcycle would be confiscated and I had to pay TL 54 million. They put Özgür into a cell. Later an officer told me that they had received complaints that Özgür had assaulted a woman. He would be taken to court the other day and there was nothing I could do. The next morning at 11am I was called to Edremit Police HQ. and told that he had committed suicide between 9 and 10am. The prosecutor asked me whether I wanted an autopsy to be done and I agreed. All I say were bruises at his neck." Chief of Balikesir Police, Kemal Iskenderπs name had become known in connection with torture of juvenile in Manisa in 1995. (Milliyet-Radikal-TIHV, August 25, 2001)

Two brothers tortured in Ankara

The brothers Metin and Ismail Candogan, who had been detained in Ankara-Tuzluçayir quarter for their alleged involvement in a fight, complained about torture at the police station "30 August". Ismail Candogan said that had been disturbed by three people drinking alcohol in front of their house at a very late time. His brother Metin Candogan had intervened and been injured to his neck by a knife. When the police arrived the fight started again and they were taken to the police station "30 August" being handcuffed. At the station 10 to 15 police officers allegedly started to beat them with truncheons and fists and kicked at them. The reports issued by the Forensics stated bruises at the ear and various parts of the body of Metin Candogan. The report also certified damages to the membrane and traces of the handcuffs. Ismail Candogan had a broken rip, bruises on his body and trace of handcuffs at his wrist. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 25, 2001)

Headscarved Civil Servants Dismissed

In Erzurum 323 civil servants were punished for a violation of the "instructions on dressing". Eleven of them lost their status as civil servants, two were dismissed and the others received warnings or had cuts in their salary. Erzurum Governor Osman Derya Kadioglu stated that these figure related to the last 3.5 years. The majority of the civil servants were teachers (298). (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 25, 2001)

Detentions and Arrests in Antep

 Among the 9 people, who had been detained in Antep as alleged members of the radical Islam organization Hezbollah Niyazi Akduman, Nedim Narinç, Ali Gümüstekin, Mustafa Fistik, Yilmaz Öztas, Ömer Annaç and Ramazan Gören were arrested on 24 August. Abuzer Baykus and Murat Kartal were released to be tried without pre-trial detention. In Kangal district (Sivas) Hasan Kackaya was arrested on 24 August on charges of "membership of the PKK". In Izmir the offices of the Culture Center "Yaren" and the journal "Yasadigimiz Vatan" were raided on 24 August. During the raids Can Erkan, Arzu Yetik, Günes Mutlu, Sadik Altinöz, Gülüs Demirpençe, Nurhan Yilmaz, Dursun Göktas, Burcu Kaya and 4 people with the first names Birol, Çaglar, Sebahattin, Gökhan and Sahin were detained. A press statement by the "Initiative of the Peace Mothers", to be read out in Galatasaray (Istanbul) on 26 August, was prevented by the police. Some 50 people were detained. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 25-27, 2001)

Political Killing in Istanbul

On 25 August Saban Elaltunteri and his son Mehmet were killed in Esenler (Istanbul). It was stated that Saban Elatunteri had been detained as Hezbollah member in 1998 and had become a repentant police informer. He had been tried at Diyarbakir SSC and sentenced to 15.5 yearsπ imprisonment, but released in 2000 based on the Repentance Law. (Cumhuriyet-Radikal-TIHV, August 26, 2001)

Death in police custody

Minister of Interior Rüstü Kazim Yücelen appointed a state secretary to investigate the death in custody of Özgür Ünal (16) in Edremit district (Balikesir) on 23 August. Reportedly the autopsy carried out at Bursa Forensic Institute did not reveal any traces of force, except for the bruises at the neck, said to be the result of strangulation marks. However, Emin Emir, lawyer of the family, stated that he had not received a copy of the autopsy report and was prepared to take the case to the highest level, including the European Court of Human Rights. He said that even if the death was the result of suicide the police was responsible for having put the juvenile into such a situation. He added that during 15 years in his profession he had not witnessed a single case of detention for verbal sexual assault. (Hürriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 28, 2001)

Suspicious death in Andaç

On 26 August the corpse of Zeki Ölmez was found near Elamun (Andaç) village. He had been "missing" for about a week, when he left home saying that he wanted to go fishing. Local sources reported that five people from Iraq, who had entered Turkey illegally, hired Zeki Ölmez as their guide. Having walked through the mountains for 2 days they surrendered to Habur-2 Gendarmerie Station, close to Andac village. After their interrogation they were taken to the border. Three days later the corpse of Zeki Ölmez was found some 4 kilometers away from the gendarmerie station. Reportedly the broken legs and arms are the result of having been thrown from a higher place. The family asked for an autopsy to be carried out, but allegedly the soldiers took the corpse and buried it in the village. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 28, 2001)

Prisons Operations in Canakkale

The case against 154 prisoners from Çanakkale Prison charged with "killing, incitement to suicide, and rioting and causing damage to public property" continued at Çanakkale Criminal No. 1 on 28 August. The imprisoned defendants were not taken to the hearing. The court decided to wait for the decision of Burhaniye Criminal Court concerning the arrest warrants and adjourned the hearing to 25 September. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 29, 2001)

Death in police custody

The investigation into the death of Özgür Ünal (16) while being in detention in Edremit district (Balikesir) continues. Commissioner Hakan Izmir and 3 police officers, who were on duty on 22 August, were interrogated. Osman Ünal, father of Özgür Ünal alleged that his son had been in possession of TL 234 million according to the notes taken on entry to police headquarters, but he had only been given TL 4 million. (Cumhuriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 29, 2001)

Torture in Kusadasi

Ismail Bahar (57) alleged that he was beaten by police officers, who detained him in Kusadasi district (Izmir) in 22 August. He said: "I had been watching a football match in a coffee shop. Here I took some alcohol. When I wanted to watch another match in another coffee shop I was not allowed in, because of the alcohol. There was a slight discussion and they called the police. Three officers took me to the police headquarters. On entry they started to beat me. When I protested and said they should stick to the law reminding them of my military career they got even angrier. They took me to the police car and drove outside town. When I asked where we were going one police officer curse at me and said that they would shoot me to the head. After 4 or 5 kilometers they stopped, took me outside the car, beat me up and threw me into a ditch. I could not get out of it until dawn." Reportedly the governor of Kusadasi has started an investigation into the affair. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 31, 2001)

The Manisa Case

The trial against 10 police officers accused of having tortured the juveniles from Manisa continued at Manisa Criminal Court on 29 August. The hearing that lasted for about 10 minutes was adjourned to 10 October. In this case the officers had twice been acquitted, but in the third round received sentences. The 8th Chamber of the Court of Cassation had quashed these on the grounds that the right of defense had been violated. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 31, 2001)

The Egyptian Bazaar Case

On 29 August another hearing was conducted in the so-called Egyptian Bazaar Case relating to a bomb explosion there on 9 July 1998. 15 defendants are charged with the death of 7 people and injuries to 120 people. Istanbul SSC adjourned the hearing to 3 October in order to complete the files. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 31, 2001)

Hezbollah Trials

Diyarbakir SSC continued to hear the case of 16 alleged members of the radical Islam organization Hezbollah including the so-called leaders Edip Gümüs and Cemal Tutar on 29 August. Defendant Sinan Yakut, who is accused of involvement in the killing of Mardin MP Mehmet Sincar in Batman on 4 September 1993, testified to the effect that earlier Veysi Kavan, Orhan Elçin, Muhammet Faruk Akgül, Mehmet Salih Ugur and Aydin Tuncer had been acquitted for this office. He stated that he did not know anybody accused of the killing and also rejected the charges of having killed Imdat Koç and Dündar Çelebioglu. He said that he had been threatened with torturing his wife if he did not sign the confession. His wife had been held in custody for 2 days. The court decided to combine the case of Musa Özer, charged at Adana SSC, with this trial and adjourned the hearing to 25 October. (Hürriyet-TIHV, August 31, 2001)

Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul

In Istanbul Abdulbahar Velioglu (nephew of Hüseyin Velioglu, the alleged Hezbollah leader, who was killed on 17 January 2000), Salih Ulutas and Emrullah Ulutas were arrested by Istanbul SSC on 29 August on charges of "membership of the radical Islam organization Hezbollah. (Hürriyet-TIHV, August 31, 2001)

Bomb Explosion

On 29 August a bomb exploded in a house in Ümraniye (Istanbul). Fuat Daha (27) was injured, reportedly by a missile of a rocket launcher. (Akit-TIHV, August 31, 2001)

POLITIQUE INTERIEURE / INTERIOR POLICY

Le deuxième nouveau parti du mouvement islamiste

Une nouvelle formation, issue de l'interdiction par la justice turque du parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet), a été, le 14 août, fondée par Recep Tayyip Erdogan, ancien maire islamiste d'Istanbul. Le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK parti) voit le jour moins d'un mois après la création de celui du Bonheur (Saadet) par la branche conservatrice, sur les cendres du Fazilet, 3ème force politique du pays, fermée par la Cour constitutionnelle pour "activités anti-laïques".

"C'est le moment le plus heureux de ma vie. Il s'agit de l'ouverture d'une nouvelle page pour notre peuple", a déclaré M. Erdogan au cours d'une conférence de presse à Ankara après que des membres fondateurs eurent déposé les statuts de la formation au ministère de l'Intérieur comme le veut la loi. Il a assuré qu'une "transparence totale et la démocratie" régneraient au sein du parti, critiquant l'"oligarchie" dans les autres formations. "Rien ne sera comme avant en Turquie, croyez-moi", a-t-il ajouté.

Aucun ex-député Fazilet figure parmi les 73 membres fondateurs composés pour la plupart d'universitaires, d'intellectuels et de juristes, tous inconnus de l'opinion publique sauf M. Erdogan. 51 députés ont rejoint ce nouveau parti alors que le parti du Bonheur dirigé par l'ex-chef du Fazilet Recai Kutan compte 48 députés.

Selon ses fondateurs, le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK parti) souhaite s'adresser à un électorat plus large que le Fazilet dont la rhétorique pro-islamiste séduisait essentiellement des électeurs religieux et irritait les dirigeants de cet Etat musulman mais laïque, notamment l'armée très influente qui se considère comme la gardienne des principes laïques.

M. Erdogan a été autorisé le mois dernier à rentrer dans l'arène politique, grâce à une décision de la Cour constitutionnelle levant l'interdiction de politique à vie qui l'avait frappé il y a deux ans pour un discours considéré comme une incitation à la haine raciale ou religieuse. Il avait aussi entre temps purgé quatre mois de prison. Depuis, il affirme avoir "changé" dans le but de rallier les suffrages du centre-droit. Mais ses détracteurs l'accusent de cynisme et d'opportunisme, relevant qu'un homme politique ne change pas en milieu de carrière. Les modernistes ont appelé à une réforme du système politique turc, selon eux foyer de corruption, de népotisme et responsable de la grave crise économique traversée par le pays. Concernant la liberté d'expression, ce nouveau parti est pour des émissions en kurde, a indiqué Abdullah Gul, un responsable du parti. Jeu de mots qui symbolise la volonté de ce changement: AK --sigle de Justice et de Développement (Adalet et Kalkinma)-- veut dire blanc en turc, c'est-à-dire exempt de toute corruption. Le parti est symbolisé par une ampoule électrique.

La division officialisée des ailes "traditionaliste" et "moderniste" devrait toutefois affaiblir le mouvement islamiste. Et les deux formations subiront l'épreuve du feu lors des prochaines élections, en principe prévue pour 2003, car chacune devra obtenir au moins 10% des voix pour siéger au Parlement. Le Fazilet avait recueilli 15% des suffrages aux législatives de 1999. (CILDEKT, 17 Août 2001)

Poursuites contre le leader d'un nouveau parti islamiste

Deux procureurs ont engagé chacun une procédure juridique contre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, le chef de file d'un parti islamiste récemment créé, dans le but de le démettre de ses fonctions et de l'emprisonner pour avoir insulté les responsables de l'Etat turc.

Le procureur général Sabih Kanadoglu a saisi la Cour constitutionnelle pour qu'elle prive M. Erdogan de son titre de président du Parti de la justice et du développement (AK), estimant qu'il ne pouvait exercer cette fonction après le bannissement prononcé contre lui en 1998 pour appel à la sédition, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

M. Kanadoglu a également réclamé que six femmes voilées soient écartées de la direction du parti, leur foulard constituant la preuve que cette formation allait oeuvrer pour introduire des pratiques islamistes dans les institutions.

Le procureur a estimé qu'après son bannissement, l'ancien maire d'Istanbul, âgé de 47 ans, emprisonné 4 mois en 1999 pour un discours aux accents islamistes, ne pouvait légalement occuper de fonctions électives. M. Erdogan avait bénéficié d'une loi d'amnistie entrée en vigueur en décembre dernier.

La Cour constitutionnelle doit maintenant statuer sur la possible convocation du Parti de la justice et du développement pour l'informer officiellement de la requête de M. Kanadoglu.

Un procureur d'Istanbul a ouvert de son côté une enquête contre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, pour avoir insulté l'Etat lors d'un discours prononcé en 1994, selon Anatolie.

Mi-août, les islamistes turcs modérés emmenés par Tayyip Erdogan ont fondé le parti AK, consacrant leur divergence avec les islamistes traditionalistes qui avaient eux lancé une nouvelle formation sur les cendres du Parti de la vertu, fermé par la Cour constitutionnelle en juin pour activités anti-laïques.

Bien que M. Erdogan ait pris ses distances avec la rhétorique islamiste et ait affiché une image plus libérale, les analystes se demandent si cette métamorphose n'est pas une simple tactique visant à occuper le centre droit de l'échiquier politique turc.

L'influente armée turque considère l'Islam politique comme l'une des principales menaces à la stabilité de la Turquie, majoritairement musulmane mais laïque. (AFP, 21 août 2001)

MGK decision on the Constitutional Amendment Bills

The participants of the National Security Council (NSC) meeting have decided to send constitutional amendment drafts to Parliament which were also proposed in Turkey`s National Program that was prepared to speed up Turkey`s entrance to the EU.

At the meeting which focused on the fight against separatist organizations, the participants reviewed the measures taken as part of the Action Plan which was put into practice in order to bring a solution to the problems of East and Southeast Anatolia regions.

NSC General Secretariat announced that Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, Chief of General Staff Huseyin Kivrikoglu, council member ministers, force commanders, Gendarmerie General Commander and NSC General Secretary attended the meeting which was chaired by President Ahmet Necdet Sezer.

Deputy prime ministers Devlet Bahceli, Husamettin Ozkan and Mesut Yilmaz also attended the meeting while State Minister Abdulhaluk Mehmet Cay was present only during a part of the meeting.

The statement said, "at the meeting, the results of the fight against illegal fundamentalist and separatist activities and organized crime gangs which pose a threat for the country`s security were debated in light of the security and intelligence reports of the previous month. Within this framework, the implementation of measures foreseen in the Action Plan, which was put to practice to solve the problems of the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions rapidly, were also reviewed."

The statement continued, "during the meeting, the foreign policy developments, which are of vital importance and which closely concern Turkey`s security, were evaluated. In this context, the reports regarding our relations with Turkish Republics in Central Asia and Caucasus were discussed and the measures to be taken to promote our relations with friendly countries in the region were taken up."

 "Also, the wish to develop constitutional amendment proposals, which are in compliance with the measures foreseen in the National Program that was prepared within the framework of European Union (EU) membership, and to have these proposals passed by Parliament was expressed during the meeting," the statement added. (Anatolia, August 21, 2001)

PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA

Les émissions de la BBC et de la Deutsche Welle interdites

Dans une lettre adressée au président du Haut Conseil de l'audiovisuel (RTÜK), Nuri Kayis, RSF a protesté contre l'interdiction des émissions d'information en langue turque de la British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) et de la Deutsche Welle sur les ondes FM. "L'interdiction de ces stations de radio internationales est une entrave au pluralisme de l'information. Cette mesure, si elle était appliquée, constituerait un pas en arrière par rapport aux engagements internationaux pris par la Turquie, notamment au sein du Conseil de l'Europe", a déclaré Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de l'organisation.

RSF a bien pris acte de la réserve de Kayis à l'égard de cette mesure, et de ses intentions de soumettre la question à la justice. Mais l'organisation lui a demandé de mettre ces déclarations en application, et de prendre toutes les dispositions qui incombent à sa qualité de président du RTÜK pour que cette mesure ne soit pas appliquée.

Selon les informations recueillies par RSF, l'organe gouvernemental turc de surveillance de l'audiovisuel, le RTÜK, a décidé, le 8 août 2001, d'interdire les programmes d'information en langue turque de la BBC et de la Deutsche Welle. Le président du RTÜK, Kayis, a exprimé sa défiance vis-à-vis de la mesure, et insisté sur son impuissance face à la décision prise par le Comité exécutif. Il a, par ailleurs, déclaré son intention de déposer un recours devant la justice. Ces émissions, récemment diffusées par le biais de la chaîne d'information en continu NTV, tombent sous une loi de régulation audiovisuelle, qui interdit la diffusion de programmes étrangers de façon régulière, ou en transmission directe, sur le territoire national. La Deutsche Welle a immédiatement cessé d'émettre, mais en revanche, la BBC ne veut agir qu'après décision de la justice. (RSF/IFEX, 13 août 2001)

Saisie du livre concernant l'oppression des Kurde

Dans une lettre adressée au ministre de la Justice, Hikmet Sami Türk, RSF a protesté contre la saisie du livre du journaliste Celal Baslangiç, qui contient des témoignages mettant en cause la responsabilité de l'État turc dans une série d'exactions contre des civils kurdes dans le sud-est du pays.

"Il semble que la Turquie, candidate à l'Union européenne, n'ait toujours pas l'intention de renoncer à la censure", a déclaré Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de RSF. "Nous vous demandons de vous résoudre à respecter les obligations contractées par la Turquie en matière de respect de la liberté d'expression", a ajouté Ménard.

Selon les informations recueillies par RSF, la troisième édition du livre "Le Temple de la peur" de Baslangiç, journaliste du quotidien de centre gauche "Radikal", a été saisie, le 21 août 2001, à la demande du juge Dursun Ali Gümüs. Le 21 août, le procureur de la République d'Istanbul a engagé des poursuites contre le journaliste devant le deuxième tribunal de police, pour "propos injustes et irréels à l'encontre des militaires" et "moquerie et insulte envers les forces armées turques".

Des témoignages recueillis dans le livre "Le Temple de la peur" mettent en effet en cause la responsabilité de l'État dans des massacres commis lors d'opérations militaires contre le PKK dans le sud-est du pays. L'ouvrage traite notamment de quatre séries d'exactions commises contre la population civile à partir de 1989. En vertu de l'article 159 du Code pénal turc, le journaliste risque un à six ans de prison.

RSF rappelle que le délit d'opinion est toujours passible de prison en Turquie, pays pourtant candidat à l'Union européenne. Fikret Baskaya, universitaire et éditorialiste, a été condamné par la Cour de sûreté d'État à une peine de un an et quatre mois de prison, et incarcéré le 29 juin, pour "propagande séparatiste par voie de presse".

L'éditorialiste avait écrit, dans un article publié le 1er juin 1999 dans le quotidien prokurde "Özgür Bakis", que "les dirigeants turcs ont toujours considéré le problème kurde comme un problème d'ordre public alors qu'il s'agit d'un problème national, et ont pensé pouvoir résoudre le problème en appliquant une politique chauviniste, raciste et nationaliste".

Zeynel Abidin Kizilyaprak, éditeur d'un supplément du quotidien "Özgür Bakis" intitulé "De 1900 à l'an 2000, les Kurdes", a également été condamné à un an et quatre mois de prison pour avoir tenu des "propos séparatistes".

Il sera incarcéré le 22 octobre prochain.

RSF a demandé à nouveau au ministre de la justice la libération des journalistes Baskaya, Asiye Zeybek Güzel, Hasan Özgün, Mustafa Benli et Kemal Evcimen, et un procès juste et équitable pour le journaliste Nureddin Sirin (consulter les alertes de l'IFEX du 18 avril et 7 mars 2001, 22 et 20 décembre 2000 et 7 décembre 1999). (RSF/IFEX, 27 août 2001)

Reality Show: "Who can survive on the minimum wage?"

In a new twist to reality television, a Turkish show is pitting two middle class couples against each other to see who can survive on the country's paltry minimum wage of $84 a month.

Contestant Engin Ozden walks for four hours each day from the studio to work to save 35 cents in bus fare.

His competitors, Hikmet and Suzan Kocaibrahimoglu, eat stale bread and sit under a street lamp at night to conserve electricity. They have each lost about 20 pounds since the show started Aug. 1. Suzan Kocaibrahimoglu hasn't used deodorant in a month.

"It is impossible to live on this money," said Suzan Kocaibrahimoglu. "It is a kind of torture."

But the show, broadcast daily on private Channel D television, is reality for hundreds of thousands of Turkish families struggling to make ends meet on a minimum wage that loses value almost every week as the Turkish lira plummets against the dollar. Since the start of a February financial crisis, the lira has lost about half its worth.

Half of the country's 65 million people live on a monthly income of less than $200, far below the poverty line of $474 a month for a family of four.

The couples' televised struggle has made them heroes to many Turks, who have long felt that they have been suffering in silence and are being ignored by politicians who many believe are corrupt and the cause of the financial crisis.

"They are like one of us, same difficulties, same misery," said Fikri Tektas, a janitor working in a building near the studio.

Hikmet Kocaibrahimoglu said he has received dozens of phone calls thanking him for dramatizing the nation's struggle. People have also approached him in the street to shake his hand.

They say "we are supporting you because you are showing our difficulties," Hikmet Kocaibrahimoglu said.

The television station says the show, which is broadcast at midnight, is among the country's most popular, but refuses to release any figures on viewership, saying it is a trade secret.

August's competition was the second installment of the show. The July contestants tied.

As part of the daily 30-minute show, the two couples live in apartments filled with cameras and microphones. When they go out for work, a camera crew follows them.

Both couples buy stale bread for 31/2 cents a loaf, one-third of the normal price, and carry free water in buckets from a nearby mosque to save on utility bills. Their telephones ring constantly with relatives and friends calling to offer words of support, but the couples never make outgoing calls.

The contestants are required to buy a newspaper each day and watch a movie and read a book during the contest.

Contestants are not allowed to accept discounts.

"It is really difficult and requires lots of sacrifice," said Hikmet Kocaibrahimoglu. Even a 17-cent ice cream cone is a luxury, he said.

Turkey is a conservative, overwhelmingly Muslim country and the couples have been extremely careful not to kiss in front of the cameras, which are everywhere, except the bathrooms.

In real life, Hikmet Kocaibrahimoglu is a finance manager at a private company. His wife does not work.

Engin Ozden owns a restaurant in Istanbul while his wife works at a bank. Both couples are middle class, earning about six times the minimum wage.

The couple who spends the least money during the month without exceeding the minimum wage will win an apartment, a car and a one week trip to Europe. The show ends on Thursday, but the winner will not be announced until Sunday.

"They are lucky. Most Turks are stuck with minimum wage for life, and there is no award awaiting them," said Menekse Yucel, an unemployed secretary looking for a job. (AP, August 30, 2001)

Violations de la liberté d'expression en bref

Media ban at Sincan Prison

Pressure in Prisonä Prisoners from Sincan F-type Prison alleged that they did not receive newspapers and journals. The prisoner Kemal Ertürk filed an official complaint stating that the prisoners did not receive newspaper and journals on 25 June and 13 July, although the publication had not been confiscated and they had paid for it. The pages of some newspapers had been ripped of. It was also reported that the water in that prison had been cut. (Evrensel, August 1, 2001)

Journalists Attacked in Igdir

In Igdir the local paper "Dilucu" reported on 18 July on fraud in the provincial directory for agriculture. On 4 August the owners of the paper, Akay Aktas and Alpaslan Siftas and Aydin Deniz, reporter for the Anatolian News Agency were attacked and injured with knifes by Muharrem Güven and his sons Alper and Mete Güven. Muharrem Güven, who previously had been working at the directorate for agriculture was detained. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 5, 2001)

Intellectuals accused of Separatism

65 people (politicians, writers, musicians, artists and lawyers), who had signed the booklet "Freedom of Thought ? For Everyone" as publishers, were indicted by the public prosecutor at Istanbul SSC, Ahmet Ayvaz with the demand of sentences of 8 yearsπ imprisonment. Among the defendants are M. Sanar Yurdatapan, Zuhal Olcay, Ayse Lale Mansur, Emine Senlikoglu, Abdurrahman Dilipak, Mustafa Islamoglu, Canan Ceylan, Adalet Agaoglu and lawyers from Istanbul Bar Association. The booklet contains incriminated articles from Necmettin Erbakan, Hasan Celal Güzel, Akin Birdal, Murat Bozlak and Esber Yagmurdereli. (Zaman-TIHV, August 6, 2001)

Offices of the journal Vatan Raided

On 8 August the police raided the premises of the journal "Vatan" in Istanbul. Reportedly the door and walls were damaged. Hatice Ruken Kiliç, the editor-in-chief, Metin Yavuz, publication manager and Ismail Özmen (reporter), Naciye Barbaros, Ercan Gökoglu, Duygu Eygi, Ibrahim Akin, Murat Barbu, Tekin Tangül (SG of TAYAD), Feridun Yüce Batu, Yeter Gönül and Egemen Kusçu were detained.  (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 9, 2001)

Journal Isci-Koylu Confiscated

Istanbul SSC confiscated issues 8, 11 and 12 of the journal "Isci Köylü" on the grounds that some articles contained "propaganda for an illegal organization". (Evrensel)

Further Detentions after Festival

On 8 August Sinan Güngör (from the group "Munzur") and Erkan Güngör (from the theater group "Babil") were detained in Erzincan. They had participated in the 2nd Culture and Nature Festival of Munzur and afterwards visited their families in Cakirlar village (Erzincan). They were detained when they wanted to go to Istanbul and are being held at Erzincan Police HQ. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 10, 2001)

Fine for Delivering Journal

The public prosecutorπs office in Torbali (Izmir) fined Güler Bakir TL 37 million for "smuggling illegal publications into prison". Güler Bakir had taken the journal "Özgür Halk" to relatives in Torbali Prison. He said that during five months during which he had provided newspapers and journals to the prisoners he had not been met with such a practice. He is facing criminal proceedings, if he does not pay the fine. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 15, 2001)

Journal Devrimci Cozum Closed

Istanbul SSC ordered the closure of the journal "Devrimci Çözüm" for one month on the grounds that one article in the issue of July 2000 contained "separatist propaganda". (Evrensel-TIHV, August 17, 2001)

Book Confiscated

The book "Voice and Braveness" published by the Bulletin of the Pensioned Womenπs Union was confiscated on the grounds that it contained "incitement to hatred and enmity". The book presents speeches and evaluations of the "Council against Sexual Assault and Rape in Custody" held in Istanbul on 10 and 11 June 2000. Sinami Orhan, writer of the journal "Akademya" (Islamic background), which was closed down in 1999, was detained in 17 August. Istanbul SSC ordered the confiscation of the 9th edition of paper "Isçi-Köylü" on the grounds that some articles contained "separatist and propaganda for TIKKO". (Evrensel-TIHV, August 19-20, 2001)

Ozgur Halk Journalist Detained

Emin Duman, reporter for the journal "Özgür Halk" in Adana was detained on 19 August. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 21, 2001)

Nine journalists on trial

On 21 August Istanbul SSC started to hear the case of 9 journalists on charges of "having made propaganda for the Karagümrük gang and its leader Nuri Ergin". The defendants rejected the charges stating that they had only made quotations. The defendants Nejdet Tatlican, editor-in-chief of Hürriyet and the reporter Fulya Çigdem Aydogan, Eren Güvener, editor-in-chief if Milliyet, Semra Uncu, editor-in-chief of Sabah and the reporter Nejdet Çokan, Mustafa Dolu, editor-in-chief of Aksam and the reporter Müjgan Akkus, Saffet Serdar Akbiyik, editor-in-chief of Star and the reporter Atilla Disbudak have to expect sentences of up to 4 yearsπ imprisonment. (Evrensel-TIHV, August 22, 2001)
 

A Book Confiscated

Istanbul Penal Court No. 2 decided to have the book "Temple of Fear", written by Celal Baslangiç confiscated. The court based its decision on Article 159 of the TPC, arguing that some articles were an insult to the armed forces by holding them responsible for the terrorist events in Southeast Anatolia. Publishing house Iletisim stated that the book appeared last months and made three editions so far. The articles were basically taken from articles Celal Baslangic wrote for the daily Radikal. (Radikal-TIHV, August 23, 2001)

Arrest of newspaper distributors

On 21 August the distributors of the daily Günlük Evrensel Senel Dogan, Senol Dogan and Seda Kaya were detained in Ümraniye-Dudullu (Istanbul). They were taken to Dudullu Police Station and threatened not to sell the newspaper anymore. They were released on the same day. In Gaziantep Safiye Uçar, Fatma Bagriyanik, Islim Deniz, Sevilay Budak and two persons with the first name Sabahat and Aygül, all relatives of prisoners, were detained on 21 August, when they were about to start a solidarity hunger strike in the premises of the HADEP. Abdullah Ince, chairman of HADEP for the province, was also detained. The offices were searched and some papers and journals were confiscated. In Ardahan Metin Sanin, chairman of HADEP for the province, and Kemal Özer, chairman of HADEP for the central district were detained on 22 August. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, August 23, 2001)

Attack on the newspaper Isci

A bomb attack was carried out on 24 August against the offices of the newspaper "Isçi" (Worker) in Cigli district (Izmir). Nobody was killed or injured during the attack (Yeni Safak-TIHV, August 25, 2001)

Ban on TV programs

The High Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK) issued further bans on the broadcasting of certain TV stations. Kanal 6 to shut down twice for one day and one time for three days in connection with "the showing of one product and two films considered to contain pornographic elements". Another two daysπ closure were issued for Kanal 6 for a program of 3 February, because "expressions were used that might support the allegations of the Armenian genocide". RTÜK also objected to two news programs and one film of Kanal 6. The following TV stations also received orders of "darkening the screen": Show TV and ATV (3 days each), ETV and Interstar (2 days each), TGRT, CNN Türk and Cine 5 (1 day each). (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, August 31, 2001)

FORCES ARMEES / ARMED FORCES

"Le livre rouge" de l'Armée turque

Can Dundar, journaliste au quotidien turc Milliyet, saisit l'occasion de la polémique lancée par le vice-Premier ministre Mesut Yilmaz qui dans son discours au cours du congrès de son parti - où il a été élu, le 6 août, pour la cinquième fois, à une très forte majorité--, a mis en cause le concept de la sécurité nationale, domaine sacro-saint de l'armée turque, s'attirant ainsi les foudres de l'armée et des conservateurs, tous deux réunis dans l'Etat profond.

L'armée turque n'a pas tardé à réagir en déclarant le 7 août qu'"il est dangereux de critiquer le concept de sécurité nationale car cela peut avoir des développements négatifs dans le pays la sécurité nationale ne devrait pas être exploitée à des fins politiques [et que] les matières concernant l'existence, le bien être de la nation turque devraient être discutées sur des plate-formes sérieuses". Par ailleurs, le quotidien turc anglophone Turkish Daily News, a, le 8 août, annoncé l'élaboration par l'Etat-major turc d'un nouveau document de politique de sécurité nationale remplaçant celui daté de 1997.

Voici de larges extraits de l'article de Can Dundar publié sous le titre de "livre rouge" le 7 août:

"Dans un tiroir secret de l'Etat, il y a un livre avec une couverture rouge. Peu de personnes savent ce qu'il contient, mais les initiés disent que c'est "la Constitution secrète de la Turquie". Ainsi, la Turquie est régie selon les lois stipulées dans ce livre.

Parlons brièvement de l'époque du "rédacteur" de ce livre:

En 1949, un Haut Conseil de la Défense Nationale a été fondé à Ankara pour "échafauder la stratégie de la défense". Ce conseil est composé de 17 ministres civils et du chef de l'état-major turc.

En 1961, la perte de confiance vis-à-vis des civils des militaires qui ont renversé Menderes a également eu des conséquences sur cette institution. Un conseil de sécurité nationale (MGK) a été fondé pour donner des "recommandations" en matière de défense. Le chef d'état-major, qui ne disposait jusque-là que d'une seule voix, a pris auprès de lui les trois autres commandants de l'armée. Le tableau était de 4 militaires pour 8 civils.

Avec la Constitution de 1982, le MGK a commencé à donner au gouvernement des "notifications" et non plus de "propositions" en matière de défense. L'équilibre dans le conseil composé de 10 membres a été modifiée au préjudice des civils: 5 militaires, 4 civils et le président de la république.

C'est probablement cette institution qui est appelée "l'Etat profond", dont l'influence dans l'administration étatique n'a fait que s'accroître ces 50 dernières années.

Le cerveau du MGK est "le secrétaire général". Son nom est peu connu, mais il est célébré comme étant "le Premier ministre de l'ombre". 250 personnes travaillent sous ses ordres. Sa mission; "assurer la continuité de l'Etat"

Si l'on compare l'Etat à un cheval, assurer que le cheval galope dans la même direction sans tenir compte du changement de cavalier

Comment cela se passe-t-il?

"Le président de la politique de la sécurité nationale", qui est un des quatre adjoints du secrétaire général, élabore la stratégie. Du classement des menaces contre l'Etat à la politique économique, des priorités culturelles aux préférences en matière de la politique étrangère, tout sera rédigé dans ce document et puis cuisiné au secrétariat général pour être transformé en livre rouge. Après le MGK, il est d'abord approuvé par le conseil des ministres. Le Parlement, - même en sachant rien du contenu- ne peut voter de lois contraire à ce livre.

Tout pouvoir élu est invité à un briefing au secrétariat général du MGK dans les trois mois. On y explique au nouveau cavalier "la stratégie de la défense nationale".

Et s'il y avait une quelconque contradiction entre le programme du nouveau parti au pouvoir et ce livre?

Il y a de cela des années, j'avais interpellé l'ancien secrétaire général du MGK, le général Dogu Bayazit, sur cette question:

"Le parti au pouvoir change de nombreux concepts de son programme lorsqu'il est mis au courant sur le fond de la politique de la sécurité nationale", avait-il répondu.

C'est donc de cela que Mesut Yilmaz parle lorsqu'il dit que "l'on devrait soulever le rideau" sur le "syndrome de la sécurité nationale"

"Le livre rouge" ouvre la voie à ceux qui portent l'uniforme d'exercer sur les gouvernements un pouvoir despotique.

Même si les militaires prétendent que "le document de la politique de la sécurité nationale est approuvé par le conseil des ministres", l'on a pu ouvertement constater à l'instar du 28 février que dans la pratique "le cheval" se débarrasse par tout moyen du cavalier qui ne respecte pas les décisions.

 Depuis des années, à maintes reprises, en polémique avec l'armée pour ses sorties, défenseur obstiné de l'adhésion à l'UE qui "bouleversera les relations de pouvoir", Yilmaz a touché la corde hautement sensible avec ces propos.

On peut dire ce que l'on veut, après la fin de la guerre froide, alors que les dépenses en matière de défense n'ont fait que baisser partout dans le monde, le fait est que la Turquie qui prétend avoir combattu les menaces du séparatisme et de la charia, augmente ses dépenses militaires de plus 50% - Un géant comme les Etats-Unis consacre 3% de son PNB au budget de la défense ? et la part du budget de la défense représente 5,4% du PNB dans une Turquie en crise, cela ne peut que nous interpeller.

Connaître le contenu du "document de la politique de la sécurité nationale" qui définit tout notre avenir et discuter de la proportionnalité entre les menaces encourues et l'argent qui sort de nos poches est notre droit naturel.

Si la couverture du "livre rouge" s'ouvre, la Turquie ne sera pas la seule bénéficiaire puisque le MGK accusé trop souvent de "pouvoir de l'ombre" pourra également exploiter l'occasion". (CILDEKT, 8 août 2001)

L'armée renvoie 15 officiers liés aux Kurdes et aux Islamistes

L'armée turque a exclu de ses rangs quinze officiers accusés d'être liés à des mouvements kurdes et à des mouvements islamistes, a annoncé samedi un communiqué de l'armée cité par l'agence Anatolie.

Selon ce communiqué, les quinze officiers "ont été renvoyés en raison d'une conduite incompatible avec la discipline militaire", expression qui désigne habituellement l'implication dans une activité favorable aux groupes kurdes ou aux mouvements islamistes.

La décision, entérinée par le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, a été prise lors d'une réunion du Haut conseil militaire qui a tenu sa réunion annuelle de mercredi à vendredi derniers.

Les décisions du Conseil sont sans appel et ne peuvent pas être contestées par une cour civile.

Un nombre record d'officiers - 232 - ont été mis à la retraite au cours du mandat du premier Premier ministre pro-islamiste turc, Necmettin Erbakan, de 1996 à 1997.

L'armée a mené une campagne anti-islamiste qui a forcé M. Erbakan à démissionner en juin 1997. La Cour constitutionnelle a par la suite interdit son parti, Le Parti de la Prospérité, accusé d'activités anti-laïques. (AFP, 4 août 2001)

Military prepare a new National Security Policy document

The Turkish General Staff is reported to have prepared a new National Security Policy document, replacing the 1997 document, under which extreme Islamic fundamentalism as well as separatism are said to have been retained as imminent internal security threats. Despite the May National Security Council (MGK) meeting during which deep concerns had been raised over the country's deepening economic crisis that may lead to a social explosion, an almost 100-page new security document is said not to have mentioned the economic crisis as an internal threat.

The new document has come at a time when Mesut Yilmaz, the chairman of the Motherland Party (ANAP) and deputy prime minister, made a controversial statement during the party convention held in Ankara last weekend. Yilmaz opened a debate over the national security syndrome of Turkey, entering yet another dispute with the Turkish military. Yilmaz has argued that democratization and human rights were being held up by the national security syndrome which has been busying itself with internal threats rather than the preservation of the nation against outside threats. Observers believe that Yilmaz, who has been participating in the military dominated MGK meetings, has been aware of the new security policy document of the military which has once again also concentrated on internal threat perceptions.

The fact that Yilmaz and his party have been surrounded by graft charges as part of the White Energy operation conducted by paramilitary forces and which has forced his Energy Minister Cumhur Ersumer to resign a few months ago, shadows Yilmaz's rhetoric for democratization. His latest controversial statement over the national security syndrome has been seen by many as an attempt by Yilmaz once again to cover up the graft allegations surrounding his party.

Ataturk nationalism  The new document is said to have also retained once again its adherence to the nationalism of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (Turkey's founder) rather than the nationalistic movements that might imply pan-Turkic movements. This has been described as the military's opposition to the nationalism pursued by the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), one of the tri-party coalition government and which has recruited several retired generals to the party ranks.

On foreign policy issues, the new policy document is said to be favoring developing ties with the south and southeastern neighbors of Syria, Iran and Iraq provided that Turkey's national security interests have been safeguarded. However, the new document clarifies that Turkey's policies on the Middle East should not be under an Arab mortgage.
The National Security Policy document, meanwhile, is reported to be favoring the continuation of close military ties with Israel.

Turkey is trying to resolve issues with Iran, Iraq, Syria and Russia. Despite improved ties with Damascus after Turkey's PKK leader Ocalan's 1999 departure from Syria and subsequent capture, the unresolved dispute over the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, of which Turkey controls the taps, is a source of friction with Syria and Iraq.

Turkey is still cautious about Iran, its southeastern neighbor, because of its perceived support for the PKK and the radical Islamist Turkish Hizbullah.

On the issue of Kurdish language the document reiterates once again its opposition to allowing the Kurdish language to be spoken while favoring the use of local languages related to the areas.

The document stresses lesser threat perceptions from conventional weapons, thus, necessitating the army to also concentrate on inner threats.

1997 document  The military's April 1997 National Security Policy document came on the eve of the overthrown of the Islamist-led coalition government through what has been described by its architects as a post-modern coup.

The fact that there has not been much change in the contents of the 1997 document compared with the 2001, has surprised some observers, who have also drawn attention to the fact that the economic crisis has not been elaborated in the new document despite the military's recent statements raising concerns over the issue.

In fact the military's continued concerns over extreme fundamentalism and separatism have been reflected recently by top generals on many occasions despite a growing uneasiness even among the business sector of the military's reluctance to move towards democratization.

For example, Turkey's once state oriented Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association (TUSIAD) urged in its latest report for the adaptation of the military dominated MGK to EU standards while calling also for Kurdish education.

At a presidential reception on Jan. 16, Turkish Chief of General Staff Gen. Huseyin Kivrikoglu said the armed forces would "if necessary, fight Islamic fundamentalism for another 1,000 years."

On PKK, similarly, Kivrikoglu said, "The fight against terror will continue even if one terrorist is left." (Turkish Daily News, August 8, 2001)

L'armée s'agace des critiques

Si Mesut Yilmaz entendait faire sortir l'état-major de ses gonds, il a parfaitement réussi son coup... En déclarant le 5 août dernier que le syndrome de la sécurité nationale freinait la démocratisation du pays et sa marche vers l'Europe, le vice-Premier ministre a donné un coup de pied dans la fourmilière, initiant un débat sur le rôle de l'armée en Turquie.

L'extrême droite gouvernementale réagissait immédiatement déclarant que le pays ne pouvait se permettre aucune concession en matière de sécurité compte tenu de sa position géostratégique. L'état-major embrayait aussitôt et publiait une longue réponse fustigeant les propos tenus et rappelant que toute complaisance en faveur du séparatisme (les revendications kurdes dans le jargon des militaires) ou des mouvements réactionnaires (l'islam politique) ne saurait être considérée comme une avancée pour la Turquie.

L'armée considère que son devoir est de traquer la « menace intérieure »

Mais les généraux reprochent surtout à Mesut Yilmaz d'avoir abordé la question de la sécurité nationale en public. D'ordinaire en effet, il s'agit là d'un tabou ou plutôt d'une chasse gardée de l'état-major qui s'occupe seul d'évaluer les menaces et d'imaginer les ripostes.

Qui plus est, l'armée turque considère aussi que son devoir est de traquer la « menace intérieure », l'état-major se transformant à l'occasion en une sorte de « politburo », notamment au travers du Conseil de sécurité nationale (CSN) qui réunit l'élite politico-militaire du pays une fois par mois. Son secrétaire, un général, prend des initiatives sur toutes les questions de politique intérieure, de diplomatie, de société ou de culture et vérifie leur mise en ¶uvre. En d'autre mots, il gouverne le pays sans être le moins du monde responsable, résume Ali Bayramoglu dans le quotidien « Sabah ».

Les militaires sont d'ailleurs sur le point de publier leur nouveau Document de sécurité nationale. Selon la presse, ce résumé de la doctrine officielle, surnommé la « Constitution secrète de la Turquie » par le quotidien « Hürriyet », ne présenterait pas de bouleversement majeur, perpétuant le nationalisme kémaliste comme idéologie de référence.

La réaction très ferme de l'état-major aux déclarations de Mesut Yilmaz s'explique aussi par l'animosité particulièrement forte que les militaires vouent au personnage ainsi qu'à son parti. En privé, ils n'hésitent d'ailleurs pas à exprimer leur detestation du vice-Premier ministre qui a croisé le fer à plusieurs reprises avec eux. Il faut dire que Mesut Yilmaz traîne derrière lui de larges soupçons de corruption et de détournement, notamment dans les milieux de l'énergie. Ce n'est probablement pas un hasard si ce sont les gendarmes en partie subordonnés à l'état-major qui mènent l'enquête à ce sujet.

La déclaration de Mesut Yilmaz n'en a pas moins été un pavé dans la mare. Elle stigmatise le rôle des militaires en politique et désigne les blocages du régime notamment quant à la perspective européenne du pays. La Turquie a été acceptée comme candidate à l'intégration européenne fin 1999 mais les négociations d'adhésion n'ont toujours pas commencé. Au sein du gouvernement, Mesut Yilmaz gère les affaires européennes...

Parmi les demandes de l'UE, une révision du rôle du CSN figure en bonne place, mais ce sont les autres requêtes politiques de l'Union qui ont braqué les militaires. Le chef d'état-major a ainsi tué dans l'¶uf le débat sur l'opportunité de diffuser des émissions en kurde à la télévision.

Ce sont pareillement les militaires qui s'arc-boutent sur les positions les plus tranchées quant aux dossiers chypriote et grec. L'état-major freine également des quatre fers le projet de défense européenne en lui déniant tout accès garanti aux moyens de l'Otan.· (Eric Biegala, Le Soir, 17 août 2001)

General Baser is going to concentrate on propaganda

Former 2nd Command of the Army in Malatya, General Edip Baser, who was awarded a much higher rank in the 1st Army at Istanbul at the Supreme Military Council meeting last month, said that they were intensifying their efforts in the fields of politics and propaganda, despite the fact that the PKK had stopped the armed struggle.

General Baser attended a change-of-command ceremony in Amed the other day in which General Atila Isik took over command of the Diyarbakir 7th Corps from former commander Dogan Temel.

'We will make counter propaganda'

Speaking at the ceremony, General Baser relayed his views on the current situation and activities of the PKK. Baser said that improving the living conditions of the "regional people" was tied to a continuation of the atmosphere of tranquility and security, adding, "The continuation of this environment, for its part, can be secured by protecting unity and togetherness as a nation." Baser said that the PKK was stressing democracy, human rights, and religious concepts and that it was necessary to develop propaganda against these activities.

Didn't mention countries by name

General Baser at the same time described the PKK forces which had withdrawn from the country after the August 2, 1999 call as "an element of threat" that "certain countries" continued to shelter to use against Turkey.

Inspection of Siverek regiment

Following the change-of-command ceremony in Amed, General Baser departed by helicopter and flew to the 107th Artillery Regiment based in the Siverek district of Urfa. After inspections there, General Baser returned to Malatya. (Kurdish Observer, 20 August 2001)

Gen. Asparuk says MGK derives its duties from Constitution

The military members of Turkey's controversial National Security Council (MGK) whose role within Turkish politics has been openly questioned since Turkey's acceptance as a candidate member country at the Helsinki summit of the European Union in 1999, attempted to justify Turkey's national security policy documents. MGK Secretary General Gen. Cumhur Asparuk, who is appointed as new Turkish Air Force Commander as of Aug. 30, made a presentation explaining the rationale behind the national security documents during a ceremony held yesterday at the MGK headquarters in Ankara to hand over his current duty to Gen. Tuncer Kilinc.

The top generals' counter offensive that took place yesterday came a day after the monthly meeting of the MGK on Aug. 21 during which a military-civillian dispute over the national security concept was attempted to be resolved. Recalling Article 2945 of the Constitution, which stipulates the duties of MGK, Asparuk said that he was in the belief that the MGK general secretariat had been executing its duties in line with the concept that no views or arguments that stand against the preservation of the integrity of the nation, the founder of the Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's nationalism and secularism could be allowed. Secular principles should be preserved under which sacred religious beliefs should not be meddled in the affairs of the state as well as in the affairs of politics, Asparuk said while outlining the duties of the MGK.

"The MGK general secretariat, distancing itself from all politics and daily affairs, has always sought to ensure the nation's independence as well as the welfare of the people by strengthening national power projections towards national targets," Asparuk said.

The generals' attempts to justify the national security documents and the way they are prepared has been part of a series of military demarches that have been launched in the past few weeks against Motherland (ANAP) Party Chairman, Deputy Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz, who questioned the national security concept as a syndrome preventing the democratization of the country. Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, reaffirming his support for the MGK and leaving his coalition partner Yilmaz once again, praised the MGK general secretariat in a speech he made during the change of guard ceremony at MGK headquarters. He said that the MGK is a state institution in which both the civilian and the military members have been producing some very fruitful work in harmony and within a democratic process.

Ecevit, Chief of General Staff Gen. Huseyin Kivrikoglu, Deputy Prime Minister Devlet Bahceli, Deputy Prime Minister Husamettin Ozkan, Defence Minister Sabahattin Cakmakoglu as well as the commanders of the three services were among those participating in the ceremonies. In an unusual practice some TV channels aired the change of guard ceremonies live. This was due to the expectations that the MGK, on its part, was going to justify the controversial national security concept.

Ecevit further said: "This institution [the MGK] has been examining both external and internal developments closely. And it ranks among the primary state institutions guarding the secular and democratic republic. The MGK has been making great contributions for the preservation of our [Turkey's] internal and external security. At the same time MGK, in recent years, has been showing close interest in Turkish citizens living abroad, enabling their continued bonds with Turkey. The MGK has also been aiding the state in producing solutions to strategic issues. Thus we appreciate the MGK general secretariat."

At the Aug. 21 MGK meeting, meanwhile, the military gave its conditional blessing to the proposed constitutional amendments but felt that the issue should not be rushed through during a debate on Sept. 17 when Parliament conveys.

The military opposes certain constitutional amend