Dix-huit partis politiques en lice

Les élections sonnent le glas de la coalition au pouvoir

Le parlement sortant a changé de visage depuis trois ans

La Turquie (FICHE TECHNIQUE)

Chronologie politique depuis les élections législatives 1999

Favori aux législatives, l'AK désignera son Premier ministre après le scrutin

International missions to observe Nov.3 elections

Le dernier-né des partis pro-kurdes participera aux élections

Un procureur traque le parti pro-kurde DEHAP et réclame une enquête

DEHAP meeting in Istanbul attracted half a million people.

The meaning of the DEHAP's Istanbul meeting

Many Intellectuals Support the DEHAP

Appeal against pressure on DEHAP's electoral campaign

Recent violations of the right to free election reported by TIHV

Le procureur veut que le parti renonce à son appellation "communiste"

Cem Uzan (Jeune Parti), le manipulateur osé des média

LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM
 

Torture and its punishment: Problem is not lack of law to prevent torture

A petition to European Parliemant on political prisoners in Turkey

Grève de la faim: la police a arrêté 101 manifestants

Torturers from Manisa Convicted

Lawyers deny Justice Minister's claims on tortures

Human Rights violations in brief

PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA

Le rédacteur en chef d'Info-Türk sera traduit en justice dès qu'il rentrera dans son pays

AGJPB proteste officiellement contre l'inculpation d'Özgüden

RSF réagit contre l'inculpation d'Özgüden et deux autres journalistes

Witch Hunt: Scientist Haluk Gerger not allowed to the USA though he had a 10-year visa

Sanar Yurdatapan's open letter to the US Ambassador

PEN protests U.S. treatment of Haluk Gerger

Des chaînes de télévision suspendues pour avoir violé les lois électorales

Turkish singer charged in balloon incident

La Turquie condamnée pour violation de la liberté d'expression

RSF poursuivie par un général turc pour atteinte au droit à l'image

CYPRUS: Opposition journalists released from prison

Former editor sentenced to 12 and a half years in prison

Police evict journalists from Turkish occupied area

Violations of thought freedom in brief

QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION
 

La peine de mort d'Abdullah Ocalan commuée en prison à vie

Conseil de l'Europe: Les conditions de détention d'Ocalan doivent être assouplies

Des Kurdes brûlent un drapeau turc à Tbilissi

Menaces du PKK si un parti pro-kurde est écarté des élections

Les Kurdes d'Irak rêvent toujours d'indépendance malgré les menaces des voisins

Kurdish Courses Forbidden to Those Who Do Not Know Turkish

Chief prosecutor seeks charges against DEHAP

Kurdish broadcasts subject to a thousand and one restrictions

Registration Office files a complaint against a Kurdish name

Despite Turkey's EU reforms, Kurdish name problem remains

Un candidat kurde brièvement interpellé pour avoir parlé kurde

Trois morts dans un incident armé entre soldats et rebelles kurdes

Accrochages entre armée et militants kurdes: un mort et six blessés

HRW appelle la Turquie à aider au retour des Kurdes déplacés

Kurdish Question in Brief

MINORITES / MINORITIES
 

To say Turkey is a mosaic is separatism

US criticizes Turkey over restrictions on religious freedom

Assyrians/Syriacs were assaulted and beaten in Turabdin

Nouveau rapport sur la situation des Arméniens en Turquie

SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC
 

Le FMI n'accordera pas de nouveaux prêts à la Turquie avant les élections

Les failles de la mer de Marmara toujours aussi dangereuses

Le budget 2003 consacre la moitié des dépenses au remboursement de la dette

La stabilité du prochain gouvernement, première inquiétude des industriels

La stabilité politique en Turquie essentielle aux réformes économiques (OCDE)

La Turquie va stocker sous la mer des importations de gaz

Cirali, un miracle éco-touristique conquis de haute lutte contre le béton

Sauver la richesse de la côte lycienne, un défi face au tourisme de masse

Programme pilote pour la préservation de 10 éco-régions méditerranéennes

A la recherche du léopard et au secours d'autres espèces menacées

AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS
 

Ban on headscarved students goes on in schools

Lancement d'une procédure d'interdiction contre le parti pro-islamiste AK

Turquie: des perruques sur les foulards

Religious affaires in brief

RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST
 

Tension turco-européenne sur la question d'élargissement

Turkey's shortcomings according to the EU Progress Report

Human Rights Watch Report on Turkey to the EU

Turkey's top court refuses to stop implementation of key EU-reforms

La Turquie dénonce le rapport de l'UE, attend Copenhague

La Turquie condamnée pour traitements inhumains à l'encontre d'une détenue

La Turquie menace de revoir ses relations avec l'Union européenne

L'UE lance des signaux positifs à la Turquie

Les conclusions du sommet "positives" mais insuffisantes, selon Ankara

La défense européenne en retard à cause de la Turquie, selon Athènes

Foundations controversy sparks crisis in ties with Germany

Un Belge soupçonné de trafic d'armes extradé de la Turquie vers la Belgique

RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS
 

Menaces d'Ankara contre un Etat kurde indépendant en Irak

"Plusieurs centaines" de soldats turcs déjà en Irak

L'Irak met en garde la Turquie contre l'ouverture de ses bases aux Américains

Les Kurdes d'Irak se réconcilient en pleine crise entre Bagdad et Washington

Mise en garde d'Ankara contre un Etat kurde indépendant en Irak

Irak : Ankara hésite entre son soutien aux USA et sa hantise des Kurdes

Kurdes d'Irak: Ankara évoque une possible réponse militaire

Ecevit qualifie d'"inacceptable" un projet de constitution des kurdes d'Irak

Ankara et Téhéran signent un accord pour régler leur contentieux gazier

Adhésion de Chypre à l'UE: la RTCN et la Turquie haussent le ton

Ecevit irrité par la "capitale" kurde du nord de l'Irak

La Turquie se mobilise contre une possible guerre en Irak

Le sommet de l'ECO soutient l'Afghanistan sans action précise

L'Iran opposé à la création d'un Etat kurde en Irak

Un projet de gazoduc azéri-turc en difficulté, reconnaît le président Aliev

Un responsable turc suggère une "protection" turque dans le nord de l'Irak

L'Armenie soutient les aspirations européennes de la Turquie

Vive protestation grecque après un incident en mer Egée

M. Simitis stigmatise "l'intransigeance" de la Turquie face à Chypre

La Turquie accuse les USA d'encourager l'indépendance des Kurdes irakiens

Achèvement de la contruction du gazoduc Russie-Turquie

La Turquie ferme un aéroport civil proche d'une importante base aérienne

Les Kurdes tentent une délicate réconciliation après les luttes meurtrières

Des Kurdes irakiens veulent apaiser Ankara, mais revendiquent Kirkouk

Chypre entre dans "une période critique" (responsable chypriote-grec)

Turkey falling into the Iraq trap

La Russie demande la fermeture des associations pro-tchétchènes en Turquie

 
POLITIQUE INTERIEURE / INTERIOR POLICY

Dix-huit partis politiques en lice

Dix-huit partis politiques participant aux élections législatives du 3 novembre 2002, avec leur prise de position vis-à-vis de l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne:

Pour l'adhésion à l'Union européenne:

1. Parti de la Mère-Patrie (ANAP), Mesut Yilmaz, centre-droite.
2. Parti républicain du peuple (CHP), Deniz Baykal, centre-gauche.
3. Parti de la Turquie Nouvelle (YTP), Ismail Cem, centriste.
4. Parti de la Juste Voie (DYP), Tansu Ciller, centre-droite. [Les dirigeants du parti de la Turquie démocrate (DTP), centre-droite,  et du parti de la Turquie illuminée (ATP), extrême-droite, figurent également sur la liste du DYP.]
5. Parti démocrate libéral (LDP), Besim Tibuk, centre-droite

Catégoriquement contre l'adhésion à l'Union européenne:

6. Parti Jeune (GP), Cem Uzan, extrême-droite
7. Parti de la Grande Union (BBP), Muhsin Yazicioglu, extrême-droite et islamiste.
8. Parti Communiste de Turquie (TKP), Aydemir Güler, gauche marxiste
9. Bagimsiz Türkiye Partisi (BTP), Haydar Bas, islamiste.
10. Parti Ouvrier (IP), Dogu Perincek, Atatürkiste

Contre plusieurs critères de démocratisation et de modernisation de l'Union européenne:

11. Parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP), Bülent Ecevit, gauche nationaliste.
12. Parti d'action nationaliste (MHP), Devlet Bahceli, extrême-droite.
13. Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP), Tayyip Erdogan, islamiste.
14. Parti du Bonheur (SP) de Recai Kutan, islamiste.
15. Parti du Pays (YP), Saadettin Tantan, centre-droite.
16. Parti de la Nation (MP), Aykut Edibali, islamiste

Contre les critères de marché libre de l'Union européenne:

17. Parti de la Liberté et de la Solidarité (ÖDP), Ufuk Uras, gauche marxiste. [Les trois députés du parti Social-Démocrate (TDP), centre-gauche, figurent également sur la liste ÖDP.]

Divergence d'opinions relative à l'Union européenne

18. Parti Démocratique du Peuple (DEHAP), plutôt un bloc de trois partis politiques. Le parti pour la démocratie du Peuple (HADEP), puissant dans le Kurdistan turc, est nettement favorable à l'adhésion alors que ses deux petits partenaires de gauche marxiste, le parti du Travail (EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale (SDP), se déclaraient contre l'adhésion.
 

 Les élections sonnent le glas de la coalition au pouvoir

Les élections législatives du 3 novembre 2002 en Turquie devraient sonner le glas de la coalition gouvernementale, dont deux partis au moins sont menacés de disparition, dans le contexte d'une vague de mécontentement.

Une inflation gallopante, une dévaluation de plus de 50% de la livre turque et un million de chomeurs supplémentaires devraient avoir raison de la coalition dirigée depuis avril 1999 par le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, selon tous les sondages.

Le parti de la gauche démocratique (DSP) de M. Ecevit et le parti de la Mère Patrie (ANAP), qui en 1999 avaient remporté un total de 222 des 550 sièges au parlement, seraient purement et simplement éliminés du prochain parlement, selon les sondages.

Le troisième membre de la coalition gouvernementale, le parti d'action nationaliste (MHP) d'extreme-droite, qui avait réussi une très belle percée en 1999 en remportant 129 sièges, aurait les plus grandes difficultés à passer la barre des 10% de suffrages nécessaires pour être représenté au prochain parlement.

Parmi les 18 partis en lice dimanche, deux seulement -- absents du parlement en 1999 -- pourraient se partager l'essentiel des sièges, selon les sondages, souvent peu fiables mais unanimes tout du moins dans leurs projections.

Avec 30% des suffrages, le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK), issu il y a tout juste 15 mois de partis islamistes dissous, pourrait à lui seul remporter une majorité parlementaire, au grand mécontentement de la hiérarchie militaire et laïque du pays.

Son dirigeant, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, ne sera toutefois pas Premier ministre, car il a été déclaré inéligible en raison d'une ancienne condamnation pour "incitation à la haine religieuse".

Le parti Républicain du Peuple (CHP), un parti social-démocrate créé par Ataturk, le fondateur de la Turquie moderne, arriverait en seconde position avec un peu plus de 18% des suffrages, selon les sondages.

Les élections étaient prévues pour 2004, mais une crise gouvernementale, provoquée au départ par la mauvais état de santé de M. Ecevit, 77 ans, a précipité la décision du parlement de convoquer un scrutin anticipé.

Une querelle entre l'ANAP et le MHP, concernant les réformes à mettre en oeuvre pour aligner le pays sur les normes européennes, a vite dégénéré en foire d'empoigne, tandis que les députés du DSP, craignant une déroute, abandonnaient leur parti à qui mieux mieux.

Sur un total de 136 députés du DSP élus en 1999, il n'en restait plus que 58 fin octobre. La plupart des autres ont rejoint les rangs du parti de la Nouvelle Turquie, fondé par l'ancien ministres des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem.

Les électeurs turcs semblaient toutefois déterminés à punir le plus grand nombre possible de députés sortants.

Selon le centre d'études sociales d'Istanbul, près de la moitié des quatre millions de nouveaux électeurs, appelés à se prononcer pour la première fois dimanche, entendent voter pour deux nouvelles formations -- l'AK ou le parti Genc (jeune) de l'homme d'affaires Cem Uzan.

Et selon le journal Milliyet, citant un récent sondage, près du tiers des électeurs vouloir voter pour un parti "différent" de celui pour lequel ils se sont prononcés par le passé, au risque d'éliminer tous les partis actuellement au parlement.

Ainsi, bien que les grands médias préfèrent ignorer même son existence, le bloc électoral DEHAP pourrait également franchir la barre de 10%. Ce bloc a été constitué par le HADEP, seul parti politique puissant dans le Kurdistan turc, et par deux petits partis appartenant à la gauche marxiste: le parti du Travail (EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale (SDP).

Le DEHAP, seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections législatives de novembre, se félicite des nouvelles réformes adoptées par Ankara --dont le droit à l'enseignement privé et à une télévision en langue Kurde-- mais attend surtout de voir leur mise en œuvre. Les responsables du parti démocratique du peuple (DEHAP) saluent les réformes adoptées par le parlement turc début août pour aligner la Turquie, pays candidat à l'Union européenne, sur les normes européennes, mais notent que "les lois sans changement de mentalités n'ont pas de signification".

"Ces lois sont une révolution", estime Osman Baydemir, un candidat du DEHAP aux élections législatives du 3 novembre. Mais il note, par exemple, qu'il est toujours interdit d'enregistrer son enfant à l'état-civil sous un nom kurde. "La mise en œuvre des lois est aussi importante que leur adoption", renchérit Ali Urkut, président provincial du DEHAP à Diyarbakir, lui aussi candidat aux législatives.

Le DEHAP est le seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections après la décision du HADEP de se saborder à son profit. Le HADEP --accusé de "liens organiques" avec les rebelles kurdes-- craignait en effet de se voir interdire par la justice turque juste avant le scrutin. Outre le HADEP, deux petits partis de gauche marxiste, le parti du Travail (EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale (SDP), présentent une liste commune sous la houlette du DEHAP.

Le parti pour la démocratie du Peuple (HADEP), puissant dans le Kurdistan turc, est nettement favorable à l'adhésion alors que ses deux petits partenaires de gauche marxiste, le parti du Travail (EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale (SDP), se déclaraient contre l'adhésion.
 

Le parlement sortant a changé de visage depuis trois ans

Le parlement turc sortant ne ressemble guère à celui sorti des urnes aux dernières élections en avril 1999, sa composition politique ayant beaucoup changé du fait de l'éclatement ou de la disparition de partis qui y ont été élus.

Le parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) du Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, arrivé en tête aux dernières élections avec 22,2% des suffrages et qui avait obtenu 136 sièges au parlement, a implosé cet été du fait de la défection de plus de la moitié de ses députés.

Fin octobre, le DSP ne comptait plus que 58 sièges (sur les 550 sièges du parlement), et était menacé de disparaître du parlement à l'issue des élections anticipées de dimanche.

Le Mouvement nationaliste d'extrème-droite (MHP), deuxième membre de la coalition au pouvoir, qui avait recueilli 18% des voix et 129 sièges en 1999, se retrouvait fin octobre en position dominante dans le parlement sortant avec 124 députés.

Le parti de la Mère Patrie (ANAP), troisième membre de la coalition gouvernementale, qui avait recueilli 13,2% des voix et 86 sièges en 1999, comptait 71 députés en octobre au parlement.

Parmi les autres formations représentées dans le parlement sortant, le parti de la Juste Voie (DYP) de l'ancien premier ministre Tansu Ciller comptait fin octobre 81 sièges au parlement.

Le parti islamiste de la Vertu (FP), dissous par décision de justice en juin 2001, comptait 111 députés en 1999.

Une partie des ses représentants a rejoint le nouveau parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK), fondé il y a un an et qui compte aujourd'hui 59 députés, d'autres ont rejoint le parti de la Félicité (SP), qui compte 46 députés. D'autres encore se sont joints aux députés indépendants.

Le parti de la Nouvelle Turquie (YTP), fondé cet été par d'anciens députés du DSP, dont l'ancien ministre des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem, comptait 58 sièges.

Les autres formations comptaient:

- Le parti de la Grande Unité (BBP): 4 sièges
- Le parti de la Liberté et de la solidarité (ODP): 3 sièges
- Le parti de la patrie (YP): 3 sièges
- Le parti Républicain du Peuple (CHP): 3 sièges
- indépendants: 26 sièges
- sièges vacants: 14
 

La Turquie (FICHE TECHNIQUE)

La Turquie, où se déroulent le 3 novembre des élections législatives anticipées, est une république au régime laïc qui fait figure d'exception dans le monde musulman.
 

SITUATION GEOGRAPHIQUE: Pays de 779.452 km2 à cheval sur l'Asie et l'Europe. Baignée par les mers Noire, Egée et Méditerranée, la Turquie possède des frontières avec l'Arménie, la Géorgie, l'Azerbaïdjan, l'Iran, l'Irak, la Syrie, la Grèce et la Bulgarie.

POPULATION: 67.844.903 habitants, selon le recensement d'octobre 2000, dont quelque 12 millions de Kurdes.

CAPITALE: Ankara.

LANGUE OFFICIELLE: turc.

RELIGION: 99% de musulmans en majorité sunnite et une minorité alévie.

HISTOIRE: Chute de l'Empire ottoman, lors de la Première Guerre mondiale. Après une lutte pour l'indépendance menée par Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, la République turque est proclamée le 29 octobre 1923. Le "Père de tous les Turcs", qui dirige le pays jusqu'en 1938, entreprend de moderniser la Turquie selon six principes dont le nationalisme, la laïcité et l'étatisme.

Le multipartisme est introduit en 1946, mais la vie politique est ensuite marquée par trois coups d'Etat militaires suivis de dures répressions (1960, 1971 et 1980).

SITUATION POLITIQUE : Ahmet Necdet Sezer est président de la République depuis le 5 mai 2000. En 1993, Tansu Ciller (DYP, Parti de la Juste Voie, droite) devient la première femme Premier ministre. Necmettin Erbakan, le chef du parti de la Prospérité Refah, lui succède le 28 juin 1996 et devient le premier chef de gouvernement islamiste. Il démissionne un an plus tard sous la pression de l'armée, qui accuse les islamistes de remettre en cause le caractère laïc de la République. A la tête d'une coalition droite-gauche, Mesut Yilmaz devient Premier ministre le 30 juin 1997 avant d'être destitué par le Parlement en novembre 1998 pour "liens avec la mafia". Bulent Ecevit lui succède le 7 janvier, et redevient Premier ministre à l'issue des élections législatives d'avril 1999 dont son parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) sort vainqueur.

ECONOMIE: Basée sur le textile et l'industrie légère. Le tourisme, avec quelque 10 milliards de dollars de recettes en 2000 pour 12 millions de visiteurs, est l'activité la plus importante du secteur des services, qui représente lui-même plus de la moitié du PNB.

La Turquie est liée à l'Union européenne par un accord d'association signé en 1963. Une union douanière avec l'UE est en vigueur depuis janvier 1996.

La candidature de la Turquie à l'UE, rejetée en 1989, notamment en raison de la situation des droits de l'Homme, a été acceptée le 10 décembre 1999. La Commission européenne n'a toutefois proposé aucune date pour l'ouverture de négociations sur les modalités d'adhésion, malgré les demandes répétées du gouvernement d'Ankara.

PNB/habitant : 2.212 dollars (2001).
DETTE EXTERIEURE: 130 milliards de dollars (projection 2002).
FORCES ARMEES: 609.700 hommes dont 495.000 dans l'armée de terre, 54.600 dans la marine et 60.100 dans l'armée de l'air (IISS 2000/2001).
La Turquie est membre de l'OTAN depuis 1952. (AFP, 31 octobre 2002)
 

Chronologie politique depuis les élections législatives 1999

Voici les grandes dates des événements marquants en Turquie depuis les dernières élections législatives en 1999.

1999:
- 18 avril: Elections législatives anticipées remportées par le parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) du Premier ministre sortant Bulent Ecevit. Le parti ultranationaliste de l'Action nationaliste (MHP) réalise une percée importante.
- 3 mai: M. Ecevit est chargé de former le nouveau gouvernement.
- 9 juin: La coalition gouvernementale regroupant le DSP, le MHP et le parti de la Mère patrie (ANAP, centre-droit) de Mesut Yilmaz obtient la confiance du parlement.
- 25 juin: Le parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) déclare qu'il veut mettre fin à la guerre avec l'Etat turc, suite aux appels à la paix de son chef emprisonné Abdullah Ocalan.
- 29 juin: Abdullah Ocalan est condamné à mort pour trahison séparatisme.
- 17 août - Un violent séisme fait près de 20.000 morts dans le nord-ouest.
- 12 novembre: Un nouveau séisme dans le nord-ouest fait un millier de victimes.
10 décembre: La Turquie obtient le statut de candidat à l'Union européenne au sommet d'Helsinki

2000:
- 5 mai: Le chef de la Cour constitutionnelle Ahmet Necdet Sezer est élu président de la République par le parlement.
19 décembre: Un assaut des forces de sécurité contre des prison pour arrêter une grève de faim fait 32 morts, dont 4 gendarmes.

2001:
- 22 février: La Turquie dévalue sa monnaie pour enrayer une grave crise économique liée à une querelle politique.
- 2 mars: Le gouvernement turc confie le portefeuille économique à un ancien responsable de la Banque mondiale, Kemal Dervis
- 17 avril: Le gouvernement turc présente un programme de réformes pour sortir le pays de la récession.
22 juin: La Cour constitutionnelle interdit pour "activités anti-laïques" le parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet), troisième force politique du pays.

2002:
-4 mai: M. Ecevit, 77 ans, est hospitalisé, officiellement pour une infection intestinale. Il sera absent de la vie politique pendant plusieurs mois, ce qui engendre une crise politique.
- 8 juillet: Début d'une avalanche de démissions du parti d'Ecevit.
- 31 juillet: Le Parlement fixe au 3 novembre la date des élections anticipées.
- 3 août: La Turquie adopte un vaste éventail de réformes --abolition de la peine de mort en temps de paix et droits culturels pour les Kurdes-- pour s'aligner sur les normes européennes. (AFP, 30 octobre 2002)
 

Favori aux législatives, l'AK désignera son Premier ministre après le scrutin

Donné gagnant aux législatives de dimanche, le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK, pro-islamiste) est confronté à un casse-tête majeur à trois jours du scrutin: il n'a pas de candidat au poste de Premier ministre du fait de la situation juridique de son chef, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Le parti a annoncé que la sélection de son candidat, qui serait éventuellement chargé par le président de la République Ahmet Necdet Sezer de former le prochain gouvernement, sera faite le 4 novembre, au lendemain des élections anticipées.

Mais cette situation sans précédent en Turquie a provoqué une réaction du chef de l'Etat qui a affirmé mardi qu'il n'accepterait pas de se laisser dicter son choix, à l'issue du scrutin, par M. Erdogan.
 Ce dernier a été déclaré inéligible en raison d'une décision de la Justice et ne peut donc devenir Premier ministre car ce dernier doit aussi être député, selon la Constitution.

M. Erdogan, qui dirige la campagne de son parti, dont l'ascension est due en grande partie à son charisme, a refusé jusqu'à présent de quitter la présidence de l'AK, comme la justice semble l'exiger en raison de sa condamnation pour propagande islamiste en 1998.

Plusieurs candidats sont en lice, selon la presse, pour succéder à M. Erdogan qui pourrait cependant continuer à diriger son parti en coulisse.

Abdullah Gul, l'un des théoriciens du parti, dont il est un vice-président, semble le mieux placé pour être désigné au poste de Premier ministre, selon la presse.

Connu pour son sérieux, M. Gul est un ancien ministre d'Etat, responsable des relations extérieures dans le gouvernement du Premier ministre islamiste Necmettin Erbakan, qui a dû quitter son poste en juin 1997 à la suite des pressions de la société laïque et de l'armée.

Le fait que son épouse porte le voile islamique, à l'instar de l'épouse de M. Erdogan, pourrait cependant nuire à ses chances. Mme Gul serait en effet automatiquement bannie des invitations officielles, le port du voile étant interdit dans les institutions publiques car considéré comme un défi aux principes laïques du régime.

Un autre candidat serait l'ancien président de la Cour de comptes, Vecdi Gonul. Considéré comme un modéré du parti, M. Gonul, dont la femme ne porte pas le voile, est un ami de longue date du chef de l'Etat, rapporte jeudi le journal à gros tirage Hurriyet.

Il est de tradition en Turquie que le chef de l'Etat charge le chef du parti ayant remporté le plus de sièges au Parlement de former un gouvernement, mais ce n'est pas une obligation constitutionnelle.

Aussi M. Sezer pourrait-il choisir un candidat, autre que celui présenté par la direction du parti, pour former le gouvernement, au risque de provoquer une crise politique, selon les analystes.

"Dans les régimes parlementaires, le président ne peut désigner le Premier ministre sans tenir compte du choix du candidat fait par le premier parti (issu du scrutin). S'il le fait, il provoque une crise", a ainsi mis en garde un éditorialiste du journal libéral Milliyet.

La Cour constitutionnelle, pour sa part, devait se réunir vendredi pour étudier une demande du procureur de la Cour de cassation, Sabih Kanadoglu, visant à ordonner la suspension de M. Erdogan de son poste de président du parti.

Le procureur a demandé cette mesure conservatoire dans l'attente d'une décision de la cour invitée à se prononcer à plus long terme, sur une procédure d'interdiction du parti. La raison invoquée par le procureur pour cette seconde procédure résulte du refus de M. Erdogan de se démettre de son poste de dirigeant de parti. (AFP, 31 octobre 2002)
 

International missions to observe Nov.3 elections

Turkey has agreed to have international observers for the Nov. 3 elections, Human Rights Watch said Monday. "On the invitation of the Turkish government, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe were expected to send their first-ever election observation missions to Turkey this week," Human Rights Watch said in a statement.

The decision to accept foreign observers comes at a time when Turkey is under increasing pressure from the European Union to observe democratic rules and improve its human rights record, marred with allegations of torture and abuse of power by the police force. Turkey is hoping to one day to join the European Union.

Jonathan Sugden, an official from Human Rights Watch said there have been some allegations of elections abuse in Turkey in the past, such as detaining Kurdish activists to prevent them from voting or forcing people to cast their votes in open. He said he saw burnt voting ballots after the last elections in 1999.

Elizabeth Andersen, welcomed the Turkish government decision, saying security forces have threatened villagers in the mainly Kurdish southeast against voting for pro-Kurdish party DEHAP.

"International monitoring of this year's election is clearly warranted," said Andersen. "We hope that the presence of the Council of Europe and the OSCE will help ensure that they are free and fair."

According to a statement made by Human Rights Watch (HRW), Turkey's November 3 parliamentary elections pose an important test of progress made since the 1999 elections marred by serious irregularities. Releasing a background on Turkey's recent election record HRW welcomed Turkey's recent acceptance of international election monitors as a positive step that could help curb past abuses.

"The presence of these international observers at the elections is a welcome step. Reports of abuse during the 1999 elections and in the run-up to this year's vote make clear that independent monitoring is needed. We hope that Turkish officials will give the monitors full cooperation," said Andersen.

On the invitation of the Turkish government, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) were expected to send their first-ever election observation missions to Turkey this week. The high-stakes elections come just one month before an expected European Union decision on whether it is ready to set a date for membership negotiations with Turkey. Human rights and political freedoms have been a key stumbling block to Turkey's membership in the Union.

A HRW election background published on Monday details problems with the 1999 elections and identifies a number of political rights violations and threats of violations that cloud the campaign phase of the current elections, including:

threats of closure of the mainly Kurdish Rights and Freedoms Party (Hak-Par) and People's Democracy Party (HADEP);

the right to stand for election denied to three former party leaders-of the Socialist Democrat Party, HADEP, and Welfare- as well as of the current leader of the Justice and Development Party, due to criminal convictions they received for the expression of nonviolent opinion;

threats against and detention of representatives of the Turkish Communist Party and the Freedom and Solidarity Party for attempting to hang posters;

detention of candidates of Hak-Par and the mainly Kurdish Democratic People's Party (DEHAP)- formed by former HADEP members and members of the Labor Party and the Socialist Democrat Party; and intimidation by security forces of villagers in the southeast, warning them not to vote for DEHAP.

The 1999 elections were marred by reports of abuses by police, security forces, and local government officials, who sought to influence the outcome of the vote through arbitrary arrests, threats, intimidation, confiscation of election material, and exclusion of party representatives from villages where they were engaging in campaign activities.

In 1999, there were also serious reports that the ballots themselves had been tampered with. Human Rights Watch was shown examples of partially burned ballot papers, cast for HADEP, that children had found while playing in the town garbage dump in the days after the election. HADEP officials alleged that the ballots had been taken from ballot boxes and destroyed. A picture of one of the burned ballots is available on Human Rights Watch's website.

A Human Rights Watch delegation is also in Turkey to document events over the election period. They will hold a press conference marking the release of a new Human Rights Watch report, Displaced and Disregarded: Turkey's Failing Village Return Program, which describes the plight of those displaced by the fifteen-year conflict in the southeast and the persistent obstacles to their return. (Turkish Daily News, October 30, 2002)
 

Le dernier-né des partis pro-kurdes participera aux élections: DEHAP

Le DEHAP, dernier-né d'une lignée de partis pro-kurdes, participera aux élections législatives du 3 novembre en Turquie, le haut conseil électoral ayant rejeté un recours visant à l'écarter du scrutin.

Le premier procureur du pays, Sabih Kanadoglu, qui avait demandé cette mise à l'écart, est toutefois revenu à la charge mercredi, réclamant cette fois l'ouverture d'une enquête criminelle pour usage de faux contre des dirigeants du parti.

Une telle enquête ne remettrait cependant pas en cause la participation du DEHAP aux élections.

M. Kanadoglu accuse les dirigeants du parti d'avoir trompé les autorités quant au nombre de leurs permanences politiques ouvertes dans le pays.

Selon le procureur, ce parti n'est implanté que dans six des 81 provinces du pays alors qu'il devrait être représenté dans plus de 50% d'entre elles.

Le DEHAP (parti démocratique du peuple) est le seul parti pro-kurdes à se présenter aux élections.

Un second parti, le HADEP (parti de la démocratie du peuple), accusé de collusion avec le groupe rebelle PKK et qui craignait d'être interdit, s'est auto-dissous le mois dernier et a rallié le DEHAP.

Deux autres petits partis de gauche ont également rallié le DEHAP.

Une mise à l'écart du parti aurait eu de vives répercussions en Europe où la Commission Européenne vient de critiquer une autre décision du haut conseil électoral, interdisant à Recep Tayyip Erdogan, le dirigeant du parti pro-islamiste de la Justice et du Développement (AK), donné comme gagnant probable du scrutin, de participer aux élections.

Un candidat du DEHAP, responsable régional à Diyarbakir, Firat Anli, avait estimé qu'une interdiction faite au parti de se présenter aux élections risquait de raviver les tensions dans le sud-est du pays.

Un conflit entre rebelles séparatistes kurdes et armée a fait quelque 36.000 morts dans le sud-est anatolien entre 1984 et 1999.

Le DEHAP est aujourd'hui crédité de 5 à 7% des intentions de vote, soit moins que le seuil de 10% nécessaire pour obtenir des sièges au parlement.

Aucun parti pro-kurdes n'a d'ailleurs encore réussi un tel exploit.

Mais "la montée du parti dans les sondages et le fait qu'il pourrait franchir les 10% inquiètent les autorités", selon Osman Baydemir, un candidat du DEHAP aux élections de Diyarbakir (sud-est).

Le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit a d'ailleurs récemment mis en garde contre "de graves problèmes de régime" en cas de succès électoraux des pro-kurdes et du parti pro-islamiste AK.

Une vingtaine de membres du HADEP, dont son président Murat Bozlak, et l'ancien président de l'Association turque des droits de l'Homme Akin Birdal, ont d'ores et déjà été déclarés inéligibles par la justice en raison de leur casier judiciaire. (AFP, 16 octobre 2002)
 

Un procureur traque le parti pro-kurde DEHAP et réclame une enquête

Le procureur de la Cour de cassation Sabih Kanadoglu a demandé mercredi l'ouverture d'une enquête criminelle pour usage de faux contre des dirigeants du parti pro-kurde DEHAP, qui a obtenu un feu vert des autorités pour participer aux législatives du 3 novembre.

M. Kanadoglu, premier procureur du pays, demande au parquet d'Ankara une enquête sur des responsables du parti démocratique Peuple pour "usage de faux dans des documents officiels", concernant son implantation à travers le pays, selon une déclaration écrite, citée par l'agence Anatolie.

Le haut conseil électoral turc (YSK) a décidé mardi à l'unanimité de rejeter un autre recours de M. Kanadoglu visant à empêcher la participation du DEHAP aux élections législatives anticipées du 3 novembre

M. Kanadoglu avait en effet saisi le YSK pour tenter d'écarter le DEHAP, seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections, du scrutin, estimant qu'il ne remplissait pas les critères d'implantation nationale nécessaires pour se présenter aux élections.

Dans sa déclaration, le procureur accuse les dirigeants du DEHAP d'avoir trompé les autorités, soulignant que leur parti ne n'est implanté que dans six des 81 provinces du pays, ce qui reste très en dessous du seuil des 41 provinces dans lesquelles un parti politique doit avoir établi un siège régional pour participer aux législatives.

Ce recours ne remettra pas en cause la participation du parti aux législatives. (AFP, 16 octobre 2002)
 

DEHAP meeting in Istanbul attracted half a million people

People in yellow-red-and-green attires decorated the square with bright colors. DEHAP organized a meeting in Eyup, Istanbul. The meeting was attended by about 500 thousand people. The meeting began by lighting two big torches, symbol of the party. The meeting place was decorated by DEHAP posters, balloons and signs. There were gigantic banners on which "We are marching toward power for permanent peace, full democracy, justice and peace" and "Votes for DEHAP for a democratic life". There were also banners on which "Women to the Parliament", "Wait for us, Istanbul", "Biji Azadiye Jinan" and "Free Turk, Free Kurd, Free Turkey".

When the torches were lighted with an announcement "We will lighten the darkness of Turkey" thousands of people chanted slogans "Biji DEHAP" and "DEHAP marches towards power". The meeting began with songs of the group Kardes Turkuler. All the crowd sang with the group who said "Our songs are for peace and brotherhood" in Turkish and Kurdish. The meeting was attended by former EMEP Chairman Levent Tuzel, former SDP Chairman Akin Birdal, HADEP Deputy Chairman Ahmet Turan Demir, MKM Chairman Zubeyir Perihan, DEHAP candidates Pinar Selek, Mihri Belli, Pervin Buldan, Hasip Kaplan, journalist Celal Baslangic and novelist Vedat Turkali.

Giving the first talk, Levent Tuzel attacked on the other political parties. Stressing that Ciller wanted to rule the country with the help of gangs, Tuzel continued to say the following: "Every one but most especially women must be watchful against her who is responsible for the killings by unknown perpetrators. Do not forget those who say 'Either love it or leave it'. There is also tough guy from Kasimpasa who has immediately become a democrat when his party was closed down but does not recognize the right to education in mother tongue. Come and throw all these parties ruling for 40 years to the garbage of history. We have seen our future and come together as Turks, Kurds, Alaouites, Sunnis. Let's peace win on November 4, let's democracy win."

Following Tuzel, Akin Birdal addressed to the crowds, saying: "DEHAP's torch is coming by uniting religions, cultures and languages. We have already among us Ahmet Kaya, Nazim Hikmet, Yilmaz Guney, Vedat Aydin." At this point the masses began chanted the slogan "Sehid Namirin". Birdal, referring to the meeting of ODP in Kadikoy, stated the following words: "We both demand freedom, peace and democracy. Then why are we making separate meetings in different parts of Istanbul. Come my brothers and sisters from ODP, come and get together under DEHAP torch on November 3."

Ahmet Turan Demir, for his part, said, "We have come here to this crowd, to this day by doing a hard job with pitifully inadequate means, by knitting loop after loop. I greet my friends who have succeeded to take our struggle to this point."

Addressing lastly, writer Vedat Turkali stated that DEHAP would rescue Turkey from IMF's prescriptions, its oppression and tyranny. During his talk the masses chanted slogans "Biji Azadi -Long Live Peace" and "Long Live Brotherhood of Peoples".

The meeting place was under strict control of police forces with panzers. Police forces did not enter into the place but controlled from a distance.

After the talks, the meeting ended with songs of groups Koma Agire Jiyan and Mogollar. (Kurdish Observer, Oct 28, 2002)
 

The meaning of the DEHAP's Istanbul meeting

All predictions and polls show that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Republican People's Party (CHP) will pass the threshold in the November 3 elections.

In these polls there is a common prediction that the True Path Party (DYP) and perhaps the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Young Party (GP) can force the threshold, but it is not clear whether these two parties can pass the threshold. Thus, one can come across very interesting and surprising results.

For example, the possibility of Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) entering the parliament and becoming the main opposition party.

Can such a thing happen? Why not? This is Turkey after all!

Let us assume that the AKP and the CHP built a coalition after the elections, as it is known Erdogan and Baykal gave messages that they were ready to form a coalition as a result of domestic and international expectations. In such a case, imagine that DEHAP is the 3rd party to enter the parliament. Won't DEHAP, which is mostly composed of Kurds, be the main opposition party? What an interesting scenario, isn't it?

The yesterday meeting of DEHAP has strengthen my idea which was always in my mind but failed to express for a long time. This meeting is regarded as the biggest among all meetings since the electoral propaganda activities started. Let us put the official 200,000 and organizer's 400,000 a side and talk about some hundred thousand people. There must be a meaning of this huge crowd where nowadays gathering 10,000 people is seen as a big success in this election and propaganda era.

Despite the fact that they don't have a charismatic leader, strong and experienced party organizations and media sup-port, there is a great excitement of elections and a strong wish for representation in the parliament among millions of Kurds. Furthermore, they are all focused on a specific purpose, putting all the paradoxes and differences a side. Their purpose is to be the equal citizens of this country and to be represented in the parliament as a proof of the Kurdish identity. In spite of those who don't want to acknowledge this reality, they want to achieve it by democratic means be accepted as the founding partner of the republic and the inevitable part of this country, both in legal and political as-pects. For these reasons, supporters of the DEHAP Alliance seem excited and determined against the reluctant and indifferent supporters of other parties.

For these reasons, despite being out of this alliance some wise and clever intellectuals have declared by a common declaration that DEHAP entering the parliament will be very useful to the country. They are saying "You don't need to be a DEHAP member to vote for DEHAP". I agree with this, you don't need to be a DEHAP member or a Kurd to vote for DEHAP. It is enough to be from Turkey.

In my opinion, the main problem of Turkey is that people of Turkey who have differences couldn't have this difference acknowledged and couldn't be represented in state organs and in the parliament. Now, because of the mentioned rea-sons, it is important that DEHAP will break the chains in spite of the 10 % threshold.

Let's come back to DEHAP's Istanbul Meeting which consisted of great messages; I suppose there hasn't been such a meeting held in Istanbul squares since 1980 coup.

It is very important to evaluate this meeting of hundreds thousands of people most of whom came together not in Di-yarbakir but in Istanbul. This meeting shows the unity of Diyarbakir and Istanbul, South East and West of Turkey. It's also possible to see this excitement and determination of Kurds as an indicator of their wish to take part in the parlia-mentarian system and have a word in the country's administration. This determination also provides an important op-portunity for Turkey to solve the Kurdish Question together with the Kurds. The crowds of DEHAP are conveying mes-sages not only to people of Turkey and those who arbitrary ruled this country according to their own wishes by denying all diversities and different identities, but also to Europeans and Western countries as well.

Turkey, can prepare in a more determined way with its Kurdish citizens. A parliament with DEHAP, can shorten the distance which Turkey will take in the full membership of the European Union. And the most important of all; a Turkey who brings consensus in-stead of tensions and problems and who respects its people's Islamic sensitivities and Kurds' own diversities and cul-ture can use its sources to welfare rather than "security". Instead of prohibition and a fear the state can be a "law state" that respects and does not interfere in the diversities and identities of its citizens. An important process can begin in Turkey with its parliament where the Kurds are also represented.

Although, I might be criticized because of these opinions, this is what I think. (Koray Duzgoren, Yeni Safak, October 28, 2002)
 

Many Intellectuals Support the DEHAP

Many intellectuals among them Yasar Kemal, Vedat Turkali, Murathan Mungan, Celal Baslangic, Edip Akbayram, Murat Celikkan, Perihan Magden, Sanar Yurdatapan called for support to Democratic People's Party DEHAP, by a common declaration: "You don't need to be a DEHAP member to vote for DEHAP"

The intellectuals, writers, musicians, artists and human rights activists who organized a reception in Istanbul yesterday titled "YOU DON'T NEED TO BE DEHAP MEMBER TO VOTE FOR DEHAP" declared that they would vote for DEHAP because they support the notions of labour, peace and democracy and called people to vote for DEHAP.

The intellectuals replied the question "Why DEHAP? as follows: People who fix their eyes on our bread, attack our freedoms are coming and asking for our votes. In their Turkey, there is more unemployment; more taxes, more poverty and higher inflation and more oppression than anywhere else. In their Turkey, there is less freedom for workers, intellectuals, artists, and writers but also for all peoples of the country than anywhere else. Because, in their Turkey, there is slavery to the IMF and worship of war.

Against, their "Dark Turkey"; we want to rise our voices in this elections for an "Enlightened Turkey", which is in favour of labour, peace and democracy. Against the blusterers of darkness, we want to shout out for a better future. For this reason, in November the 3rd elections, we are supporting DEHAP, who obtained the largest alliance with the left, by forming the "Labour, Peace and Democracy Block" and gave place to the (Kurdish) patriots, democrats, revolutionists and socialist candidates in its list. We believe that you don't need to be a DEHAP member to support DEHAP. We invite the people who are in favour of labour, freedom and a democracy without any lies, to destroy the prohibitions of this "virtual democracy". For the sake of labour, peace and for the future of democracy, we are saying, "My Vote is for DEHAP".

The famous writer Vedat Turkali, who held the opening speech, told the guests why he would vote for DEHAP and why he wants people to vote for DEHAP too, with a short story. "A general goes to the East (Kurdish Regions), he sees a villager on a mountain and asks him: Who are you? I am Kurdish, the villager answers. The General says, come here and I tell you why you are Turkish, and asks the question one more time, and receives the answer, I am Turkish, through force from the villager. Turkali went on as follows after the short story; "I am voting for DEHAP, to not let people like the feudal pashas (generals) and aghas (feudal landlords) force people to say I am Turkish because I want freedom for everybody living in these lands. I am not a DEHAP member; but when the candidates of DEHAP enter the parliament, they will be the honourable MPs who will defend the rights of the working peoples'. My heart is with them. Let your hearts be with them too".

The famous journalist and writer Celal Baslangic, who made an effort to bring intelectuals together stated, "despite all the deficiencies we present our support for DEHAP for obtaining an alliance with the left, being the closest party to the threshold and the most importantly, for struggling for the representation of the Kurds in the parliament". Baslangic said that their support for DEHAP was a proffesional obligation because all the newspapers and TV channels in Turkey had closed their doors to this party. Baslangic went on, "DEHAP is the sole party which expresses the aspirations of artists, writers, journalists through its Election Declaration. Therefore I invite everybody who supports democracy to stand with DEHAP.

The world famous writer Yasar Kemal expressed his feelings through a written statement, "I find this a very important development and I support the people who are coming together for democracy, peace and labour. I believe that to take this unity into the parliament will overcome the political chaos and will strengthen the culture of consensus."

Former Chairman of the Human Rights Association ( IHD ) and the banned DEHAP candidate Akin Birdal made a speech on behalf of DEHAP during the reception. Birdal stated that they were very pleased for the support of intellectulas, writers and artists and added, "we don't have a threshold problem, our aim is to recieve 13-14 % of the votes in the elections.

The chairman of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP), Murat Bozlak, stressed that the support of the intellectuals is very meaningful but not surprising. Bozlak noted that everyone who believes in freedom, peace and democracy shold take his place in the elections and today these intellectuals showed their stance. Bozlak thanked the intellectulas for their suppport.

The famous writer and poet Murathan Mungan said, "Everybody in Turkey thinks that being from Mardin means voting for DEHAP, that is not true. I am voting for DEHAP because I am from Turkey and I am against discrimination. I will vote for DEHAP for the suffered pain and price paid."

WHO SIGNED THE DECLARATION

Arif Damar (Poet) Asli Erdogan (Writer) Ast. Prof. Fuat Ercan (Acedemician) Ast. Prof. Gulhan Turkmen (Acedemician) Ast. Prof. Kurtar Tanyilmaz (Academician) Ast. Prof. Mehmet Turkay (Acedemician) Aytaç Arman (Actor) Berat Gunçikan (Journalist) Cahit Berkay (Musician From Mongolians) Canol Kocagoz (Caricaturist) Celal Baslangiç (Journalist And Writer) Celaleddin Yoyler (Writer) Cengiz Bektas (Poet) Cezmi Ersoz (Writer) Cihat Aral (Painter) Cuma Boynukara (Writer) Deniz Türkali (Artist) Derya Alabora (Theater Actress) Efkan Cecen (Musician) Engin Yorukoglu (Musician) Esber Yagmurdereli (Human Right Activist) Fatos Güney (President Of Yilmaz Guney Foundation) Ferhat Tunç (Musician) Figen Genc (Musician) Firat Baskale (Musician) Group Kardes Turkuler (Music Group) Gül Selçuk (Journalist) Guler Kazmaci (Journalist) Gulsen Tuncer (Theater Actress) Gulten Kaya (Music Director- Wife Of Ahmet Kaya) Haluk Levent (Musician) Hilmi Yarayici (Musician) Huseyin Karabey (Director) Huseyin Kuzu (Scenerasit) Ilkay Akkaya (Musician) Iskender Savasir (Writer) Ismail Gulgec (Caricaturist) Julide Kural (Theater Actress) Kazim Koyuncu (Musician) Mehmet Cagcag (Caricaturist) Mehmet Uzun (Writer) Menderes Samanc?lar (Actor) Metin Kahraman (Musician) Muammer Ketencioglu (Musician) Muge Iplikci (Writer) Murat Celikkan (Journaist- Writer) Murathan Mungan (Poet- Writer) Mustafa Koz (Poet) Nail Satligan (Acedamician) Nebil Ozgenturk (Film Producer) Necmiye Alpay (Journalist) Nejat Yavasogullari (Musician) Nevhiz Tanyeli (Painter) Nilüfer Akbal (Musician) Nur Surer (Actress) Orhan Iyiler (Writer) Perihan Magden (Journalist- Yazar) Prof. Dr. Sahika Yuksel (Academician) Ragip Duran (Media Critic- Writer) Rahmi Saltuk (Musician) Ramize Erer (Caricaturist) Roni Margulgez (Poet) Sanar Yurdatapan (Human Rights Activist) Senol Horozlu (Painter) Servet Kocakaya (Musician) Suavi (Musicin) Suna Aras (Poet) Sunay Akin (Poet) Suzan Samanci (Writer) Taner Ingür (Musician) Tuncay Akgun (Caricaturist) Vedat Türkali (Writer) Veysel Atayman (Writer- Translator) Yasar Kurt (Musician) Yildirim Turker (Writer) Yusuf Kurcenli (Film Director) Zehra Aral (Painter) Zeki Coskun (Journalist) Yasar Kemal (Writer) (KurdishMedia, 28 October 2002)
 

Appeal against pressure on DEHAP's electoral campaign

Kurdistan National Congress (KNK) today issued the following appeal for observers at general elections in Turkey:

"As you know, parliamentary elections will be held in Turkey on November 3, 2002.  This election is of great importance for the people of Turkey because the future of the democracy in this country depends on it.  Unfortunately, nationalist members of the coalition do not want the elections to be realized in a free environment.  As you will see in the report below, DEHAP, the party that is close to Kurds, is subjected to oppressive treatment.  Under the current circumstances, there are high risks that the people will not be able to express their own volition in the elections.

We hope that a commission from your organization could go to the Kurdish areas during the elections to support democracy.  We do not think that it is necessary to send commissions to Istanbul or Ankara since many foreign missions, journalists and international organizations are already present in these cities.  We are concerned that if your commission visited only the western cities and prepared its reports in that regard, the election process would not be objectively and comprehensively recorded, and the whole truth would not be reported.

Civil Rights Violation against HADEP and Obstacles before Elections

As with all elections, at the time of this year’s elections, too, there is an increased pressure on HADEP.

- In the Ambar Municipality of the City of Bismil, Province of Amed, the HADEP Managers Hakki Ak and M. Halim Ozcinar have been tortured at the Gendarmerie Station and pressured into leaving their Party.  HADEP members, who were declared “unable to work for three days” by doctor’s report, pressed charges against the Gendarmerie Station Commander of Ambar.

Aug 23, 2002 -  Nedim Bicer, HADEP Executive at Bismil, said that the arbitrary treatment of the HADEP members by the Ambar Gendarmerie Station had been going on for a long time.  Bicer reminded that the two Managers were tortured while under custody and attested by the Medical Jurisprudent as “unable to work for three days”, and stated that the incident was not limited to this.  Bicer expressed that the tension increased after charges were pressed against the Gendarmerie Commander and said, “The other day we wanted to hang HADEP’s name-plate.  The soldiers did not let us do it.”

Aug 23, 2002 -  In Mersin, Governor Akif Tig discharged 4 more muhtars (district manager) from office in addition to the previous 27 muhtars, who were claimed to have registered “fake voters”.  Fehmi Ozturk, the President of the Ulusal Muhtariyet Partisi (National Autonomy Party), strongly reacted to this incident and said, “The State is worried about the oncoming elections.  And the Government’s arm in Mersin is the Governor.”  The 27 predominantly Kurdish districts’ muhtars, who allegedly registered fake voters and have been discharged from office by the Mersin Governor Akif Tig, demanded that the allegations be proved.

- On August 24, within the scope of the military operations on the countryside of the city of Karakocan, the soldiers went to the Pamuklu and Tas villages and warned the villagers saying, “The terrorists are coming and asking for your votes.  Do not vote for them.”  It was reported that a high rank officer of the military unit in the operation told the villagers, “Do not vote for HADEP; vote for AKP.”

- It has been discovered that the Golyuzu Village Manager Ahmet Baksi did not register the voters in the Cevirme Pasture, which is under his jurisdiction, for the last two elections because they supported HADEP.

- Mahfuz Atabay, who recently became the president of HADEP at Eruh, talked about his bitter experiences with the police and the military as follows: “Since the day our new management took office, we have been summoned and questioned by the Police Department, Central [Gendarmerie] Station, and the City Battalion Commandership.  Each time [when we were there], we were told to leave the Party.  And last, the Battalion Commander summoned each of our managers separately and threatened us so that we quit.  He said,  ‘If you open a HADEP office here, I am not responsible for what will happen.’”

- The children with the names Mikail A. (12), Mustafa A. (12), Cengiz Y. (13), and Hasan G. (10), who had been taken into custody by the police, said that they were tortured while in police custody.  They have been reported to the Districts Attorney’s Office for an arrest warrant on August 23 and were then released by the District Attorney’s Office.  The children said, “The police wanted us to say that Yilmaz Yigit, the Director of the HADEP Youth Section at Sehitkamil, led us.”

- Mecit Sezgin, the member of the Board of Directors of HADEP at Sahinbey, in the province of Antep, has been taken into custody.  The counter-terrorism units of the Antep Police Department raided Mecit Sezgin’s house in the Aydinlar District and took him into custody without giving any reason.

- In Gecitli Municipality of Hakkari, where HADEP’s village commission visited, six voters have been arrested.

- Sebahat Kizilkaya, member of the HADEP Women’s Section at Bagcilar, was assisting the illiterate people, who applied to the district manager’s office for their voter registration for the elections on November 3.  Ms. Kizilkaya said that the HADEP Executive at Bagcilar Abdurrahman Karakas and she went to the Bagcilar District Manager’s Office, and while they were waiting outside the Office, the police came and arrested them.  They then have been taken to the Bagcilar Police Department.

Sept 6, 2002 - Sabahattin Varhan started his activities to establish the HADEP organization at the Municipality of Yaygin 10 months ago.  He said that he has been threatened by the Command Sergeant Major Mehmet Karadere of the Yaygin Gendarmerie Station.  CSM Karadere said to him, “You cannot establish HADEP here.  If you do, then pity for your children.  Even if you did it legally, and the President and the General Staff gave permission, I will not allow it.  I am the law here; I will not let you breath.”  Varhan expressed that his whole family was under oppression and he worried for his life.

- In Marmaris, the police raided several houses and arrested Mehmet Simsek, HADEP Executive at Mugla, Ozgur Simsek, Ramazan Ozpolat, HADEP Executive at Marmaris, Raize Ivdil, employee of Ozgur Kadin periodical, Gaffar Oyabakan, the businessman Mehmet Yigit, Mehmet Ozpolat, and another person named Kerem, whose last name was unknown, on a charge of “selling illegal books”.  The President of the IHD (Human Rights Association) at Aydin, Suleyman Mutlu, reported that the persons who were taken into custody are kept at the Marmaris Police Department.

- HADEP at Sirnak reported in a written statement that Gendarmerie Station Commander confiscated all transportation vehicles in the village, and the reason was that HADEP came out as the first party in the village.  The statement said, “The villagers were threatened that if they voted for HADEP, the entries to the village and departure from it would be forbidden, and they would not be allowed to take their live stock outside the village.  These threats must stop.  We believe that every person’s right to vote must be respected, and we appeal to the public to be sensible.”  The Gendarmerie Station Commander, who confiscated the vehicles, questioned the villagers on the whereabouts of the youth of the village, and pressured them because they voted for HADEP at the ‘95 and ‘99 elections.  He gathered specifically the elderly at the village center and tormented them by keeping them in the sun for hours.  He told the villagers that he would apply other methods if there were a single vote for HADEP from this village at the oncoming elections.

- Major General Yavuz Ozturk, Sirnak 23rd Division, announced his candidature with the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) at Sirnak for the parliamentary election.  Charges had been pressed against MG Yavuz Ozturk for preventing HADEP from its activities in the province of Sirnak and its cities, and being responsible for the disappearance of the President Serdar Tanis and the Secretary Ebubekir Deniz of HADEP at Silopi.  MG Yavuz Ozturk did not wait for the verdict of the Military Council of August 30 and quit his post.  He became a candidate of the MHP and is reportedly on top of the MHP list from Sirnak.

- On 28 August 2002, Mehmet Besir Akay, whose brother is the president of HADEP in his city, was summoned to the Seyitoglu Gas Station by the Midyat Gendarmerie Station Commander Yakup [last name unknown].  The HADEP President Akay talked about the incident, “The Station Commander told my brother that I must leave HADEP, and threatened him that he would do awful things, and said,  ‘I will not let you be here.’  He even got physical.  When I learned about this incident, I exercised my right as a citizen and pressed charges against him at the State Prosecutor’s Office.  I demanded that the Station Commander be charged with abusing authority and making threats. However, the threats and the oppression became more intense.”

Sept 11, 2002 - Captain Adnan Ulucecen has been appointed to the post of Company Commander at Pertek one and a half months ago, and the first thing he did was to organize a meeting, where the City Administrator Abdullah Demirci and 34 muhtars (district managers) were present.  It was reported that Captain Ulucecen advised district managers on the elections and claimed that there were TIKKO and KADEK groups in the region, and said, “They might run activities to make people vote in the direction they want or prevent people from other ways.  Don’t believe them under pressure.  Let us know when they come.”  Ulucecen meant HADEP when he said, “I am not giving a party name.  Don’t vote for terrorist parties.  Influence people who would vote for them, don’t let them do so.  Those who vote for these parties are also terrorists and traitors.  Later when the results are out, we will determine who voted for them.”  Ulucecen told the district managers at this meeting that he is not making these warnings on his initiative but with the orders from “higher authorities”.

- HADEP’s name was used to publish provocative articles and pictures of the dead village children and the activities, for which PKK was blamed, on the Internet.  The General Staff Public Relations Department was named as the web-master of “www.hadep.org”.

Sept 11, 2002 - In Amed, 6 members of the HADEP Youth Section have been arrested when they were leaving the HADEP building at different hours.  Sahin Aksahin, Murat Farisogullari, Ismail Kardas, Veysi Akbas, Mahmut Orman, and Mehmet Otenkus were taken into custody without being given any reason and taken to the Diyarbakir Police Department.

- The Justice Minister Aysel Celikel said that an investigation has been started on the lawyers of KADEK President Abdullah Ocalan for abusing their function.

Sept 12, 2002-  In Kamisli village of Kovancilar, the soldiers from the Kovancilar Gendarmerie Station gathered the people at the village center and told them, “Do not vote for HADEP.  You can vote for any other party except that one.”  They reportedly said that they propagandized against HADEP by order of the City Administrator Resul Sir.  The former president of HADEP at Kovancilar, Ahmet Yildirim, said that civil rights were violated at the village.

- DEHAP’s landlord Necat Can was summoned to the Police Department and threatened so that he would not rent his property to DEHAP.  When Can was not intimidated by the threats, other methods were used against him.  His transportation vehicle that carried passengers between Aydinlar and Siirt was subjected to extreme traffic fines.  He was often disturbed by the village guards, who came to his house and demanded that he terminated his contract with DEHAP.

- Police Department Terrorism Units claimed that under the leadership of Metin Yalcin, the President of HADEP Youth Section at Avcilar, fake voter registration cards were being issued to Kurds.  Metin Yalcin’s house was raided and allegedly numerous ID cards, voter application forms, and voter registration applications were found.  The police claimed that the ID cards were gathered from construction workers, and voter application forms were filled with them, which were then sent to the registrar’s office, and almost 500 temporary voter registration documents were received.  Furthermore, Yalcin was questioned by the Terrorism Office on grounds of recruiting members for KADEK and was sent to Istanbul State Security Court along with 10 other persons.

- Upon Akin Birdal and Murat Bozlak’s application, the Ankara 10th Central Criminal Court adjudged that their prohibited rights be restored.  The State Chief Prosecutor in Ankara appealed against this verdict.  The Court of Cassation 9th Penal Chamber overturned the decision of the Ankara 10th Central Criminal Court to restore Birdal and Bozlak’s prohibited rights with the reason of “insufficient investigation”.  Now, the Ankara 10th Central Criminal Court must adjudicate again.  Birdal and Bozlak’s candidatures in parliamentary elections were on the temporary lists of the YSK (Supreme Election Board).  The final decision about Birdal and Bozlak’s candidature will be made by the YSK.

- The Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu sent a notification letter to the YSK (Supreme Election Board) to declare Akin Birdal, SDP President, and Murat Bozlak, HADEP President, who wanted to participate in the elections on DEHAP’s list, ineligible to be elected.  Kanadoglu stated in his letter that Birdal and Bozlak’s cases of restoration of prohibited rights has not been finalized yet; therefore, the said persons are not eligible to be elected, and asked the YSK to cancel their candidatures in the parliamentary elections.

- In Bitlis, charges were brought against Ahmet Simsek, who gave his daughter the Kurdish name “Berivan”, and the City Registrar Fahrettin Ates, who processed it; whereas the same name was accepted by the Penal Courts of First Instance in Amed.

- In the Daglica village of Yuksekova, province of Hakkari, the soldiers made threats against the villagers in order for them not to vote for HADEP.  The villagers said that Daglica Gendarmerie Station Commander Ali Berber came to the village and carried out threats against them in connection with the elections.  Berber visited each house in the village and made statements like “You will be tortured if you vote for HADEP.  The Station’s doors will be closed to you.”  The villagers expressed their anxiety.

- In Amed, the Hani Company Commander had a meeting with 18 village managers and carried out threats in connection with the elections.  The Manager of the Uzanlar village, Haci Adem Yildirim, who participated in the meeting with the Company Commander, remarked that the Commander warned them to be careful about how they vote, and said, “The Commander told us,  ‘There was an embargo here before, there was pain. The roads were closed. Entries and departures were not allowed. If you do not want to go back to the situation like in 1992-93, you must know well for which party to vote.’  Beside the village managers, there were 3 village imams.”

- The Constitutional Court accepted the case, which was opened by MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) for the cancellation of some articles of the EU harmonization law.  The Constitutional Court Deputy President Hasim Kilic said that the primary investigation for MHP’s application for the cancellation of certain articles of the EU harmonization law was done, and the case is accepted in essence.

- RADIKAL - ANKARA - The investigator of the Constitutional Court announced his report on HADEP, who under the threat of closure decided to participate in the elections under the roof of DEHAP.  The investigator wanted that HADEP be banned, because it became a center where activities against the unity of the State with its country and nation were being run.  In the report, which were completed last weekend and distributed to the President of the Constitutional Court Mustafa Bumin and the other members, all accusations against HADEP and the trials were evaluated.  The investigator was of the opinion that a denial of the [HADEP] ban could not be based merely on the amendments to the Constitution and the Political Parties Law that make the ban of political parties more difficult.  The investigator reported that HADEP executives and members were heavily involved in separatist activities which were defined in Article 68/4 of the Constitution, and the party grand assembly, the president, and the executive management accepted this situation.  He shared the opinion of the Chief State Prosecutor that in accordance with the Article101-b of the Political Parties Law HADEP be banned.  The members of the court are not obligated by the investigator’s report.  The final decision will be made by the Constitutional Court.

Sept 18, 2002 - HADEP at Sirnak reported that the City Administrator and the village guard chiefs put pressure on the city election committee in Beytussebap to have the ballot boxes organized by voters’ family names.  Thus, the officials would be able to determine which family voted for which party at which ballot box.  HADEP, in its written statement, called upon the authorities to put an end to such illegal procedures.

Sept 18, 2002 - In Diyarbakir, the people with highest number of convictions are Osman Baydemir, the branch president of the IHD (Human Rights Association) at Diyarbakir, Ali Urkut, HADEP’s province president, Ali Oncu, Democracy Platform Term Speaker, and Hayrettin Altun, the former branch president of the Egit-Sen (the education union).  There are more than 200 cases against these persons.

Sept 19, 2002 - In the city of Catak, Van, where HADEP was preparing to open an office, the oppression on the villagers and the retailers in order for them “not to go to HADEP” is now being applied to the village guards.  Musa Sancar, who is a village guard in the central city, was summoned to the Catak Gendarmerie Station and told, “Why are you talking to the people from HADEP?  You will not talk to them.  Otherwise you will be in trouble.”

Sept 20, 2002 - As reported, YSK (Supreme Election Board) sent a letter to DEHAP and stated that 16 of their candidates were not eligible to participate in the parliamentary elections.

Sept 20, 2002 - The Ministry of the Interior applied to the Council of State for the dismissal of Sahabettin Ozarslaner, the Mayor of Van, from Office, because the Erzurum State Security Court convicted him of a speech he made in Agri in 1998.  The Council of State adjudged Ozarslaner to be dismissed from Office.

Sept 20, 2002 - In the Tatlicak Municipality of Nizip, province of Antep, HADEP office was raided, and Manager Burhan Akpinar was arrested.

Sept 20, 2002 - In Mugla, 30 persons, among them DEHAP election candidates, who used a cafeteria as their gathering point before they left for a funeral ceremony, were arrested on grounds of making illegal propaganda.

Sept 21, 2002 - The latest rulings of the YSK (Supreme Election Board) gave “November 3” the status of “the general elections with the most extensive prohibitions since 1983”.  According to the new law, old convictions, even if they were cleared from the candidate’s record, will be impediment to one’s candidature.  Thus, it has been decided that HADEP former President Murat Bozlak, SDP former President Akin Birdal, AKP President Tayyip Erdogan, and Necmettin Erbakan, the president of the banned Refah Partisi, could not be elected to the parliament.  YSK’s decision on Bozlak and Birdal was unanimous, and the decision on Erdogan and Erbakan was made by majority of votes.

Sept 21, 2002 - HADEP President at Pervari, Temer Ozer, reported that the villagers were being pressured into not voting for DEHAP.  Ozer noted that the houses of their members in Belenoluk (Hiseta Berispi) village were searched, and said, “On September 16, all village guard chiefs were summoned to the City Gendarmerie Station and warned that there not be votes for HADEP on the countryside.  Such undertakings are aimed at obstructing our election success on the countryside.”

Sept 21, 2002 - In Kocakaya, Amed, Adnan Aslan, who was summoned to the Gendarmerie Station, disappeared.  In Mus, too, Riza Koc was last seen going home and is nowhere to be found.

Sept 22, 2002 - After the dismissal of Sahabettin Ozarslan, the Mayor of Van, from Office by the verdict of the Council of State, the president of Goc-Der (Association of Immigrants for Self-support and Cultural Activities) at Van, Semsettin Takva, has also been dismissed from his post and membership because of a conviction in a trial 22 years ago.

Sept 22, 2002 - The Internet website “www.habur.net” which is maintained out of Sirnak could not stand long against oppression and had to cancel its “political headlines” and “election survey” sections.  The owner of “www.habur.net”, Nurettin Gunes, said that they had to cancel their political news because they lived in a society that has yet not reached a democratic understanding.

Sept 23, 2003 - YSK (Supreme Election Board) prohibited 20 DEHAP candidates, among them HADEP former President Murat Bozlak, and SDP former President Akin Birdal, along with the leader of the banned RP, Necmettin Erbakan, and AKP President Tayyip Erdogan, who had been convicted of Article 312 (related to freedom of thought), from participating in the parliamentary elections.  However, it kept the way to the parliament open for criminals, whose names were involved in murder, fraud, and drug trafficking, as in the example of MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) first tier candidate from Diyarbakir, Hidayet Altunakar, who had 8 convictions of “armed menace, issuance of uncovered checks, and document fraud”, and Sedat Bucak, Hazim Babat, and Kamil Atak.

- It came to daylight that MHP’s (Nationalist Movement Party) candidates from many cities were persons, who were involved in crimes before 1980 and were convicted: Adil Gokce (Sirnak 3rd tier), Yilmaz Durak (Erzurum 4th tier), Fatih Mehmet Zorba (Adan 2nd tier), Murat Yalcin (Izmir 1st District 12th tier), Mehmet Agar (Balikesir 5th tier), Sitki Seremetli (Balikesir 3rd tier), Erdem Senocak (Samsun 4th tier), Sahir Solmaz (Eskisehir 2nd tier), Muzaffer Yildiz (Istanbul 1st District 18th tier), Ibrahim Ucar (Istanbul 1st District 14th tier), Ahmet Sari (Kayseri 3rd tier), Necmettin Karakus (Adana 10th tier), Mehmet Bicer (Hatay 6th tier), Yasar Yildirim (Ankara 2nd District 4th tier).

- YSK (Supreme Election Board), who did not allow Murat Bozlak, Akin Birdal, Tayyip Erdogan, and Necmettin Erbakan to participate in the elections, approved the candidatures of Oral Celik, who was convicted of Abdi Ipekci murder, and Bekir Sobaci, who led the FP to its ban, and finally Fadil Akgunduz.

Sept 23, 2002 - In Fethiye, Mugla, 30 persons were arrested.  Among those, there were three candidates, who would be participating in the November 3 elections under the roof of DEHAP and the president of HADEP at Mugla.

Sept 23, 2002 - Three shepherds were found dead in the Pozakly´ area of the Harmancik village in Pazarcik.  That the three shepherds were killed by the Village Guard Chief Hasan Daglan was testified by Daglan’s own wife.  It has been reported that an army lieutenant named Cengiz was involved in the murder.

Sept 23, 2002 - Out of 60 candidates whose candidatures were prohibited 18 are from DEHAP’s list.  These are the 18 DEHAP candidates who were not allowed to participate in the elections because they were convicted of TCK Articles 312 and 168, and TMY Articles 5 and 8: Murat Bozlak, Akin Birdal, Ilhan Diker, Ceyhun Akay, Bahattin Gunel, Ali Riza Yurtsever, Filiz Ugur, Savas Karaduman, Kasim Caliskan, Ayla Yildirim, Hamza Karaagac, Bayram Bozkurt, Veysel Turhan, Mehmet Demir, Ismail Hakki Kaderin, A. Menaf Savas, Hasan Dogan, and Ender Imrek.

Oct 1, 2002 - After Bismil, the village guard terror appeared in Yuksekova, Hakkari.  In the incident of Bagisli village in Yuksekova, a former village guard Zeki Yoldas, who is also the cousin of the MHP President at Hakkari, killed the former village manager Necip Demir (45) by gunshot.

Oct 1, 2002 - In Catak, Van, the police raided a wedding and arrested Ismail Ayhan, member of the music group Koma Gulen Azad, because he sang songs in Kurdish.

- Hundreds of people, among them Kemal Pekoz and Naif Erol, who gathered to welcome DEHAP’s candidates from Mus, were met with the intervention of the village guards.  Erentepe Gendarmerie Station soldiers, too, intervened and arrested DEHAP’s municipality executives Yemlihan Balikci, Nevzat Kesik, and another person whose name could not be determined.

Oct 3, 2002 - The former president of HADEP at Elazig, Mehmet Artan, said that their election campaign activities in Alacakaya and Agin were being obstructed.  Artan reported that after HADEP members ran campaign activities in Saraycik village of Agin, the villagers were threatened by the soldiers.  Artan said that they conveyed their problems to the Governor of Elazig, Osman Aydin, who told them that he would look into the situation.

Oct 3, 2002 - Even though the YSK (Supreme Election Board) announced DEHAP, which had HADEP, EMEP, and SDP under its roof, among the parties that will take part in the elections, and printed the ballots, there has been a new attempt to leave DEHAP out of the elections.  The Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor, Sabih Kanadoglu, sent a written statement to DEHAP saying that the Police Department documented that DEHAP did not have sufficient number of organized centers to participate in the elections, and asked the Party to clarify this situation within 48 hours.  DEHAP Secretary General Nurettin Sonmez and Murat Bozlak, whose candidature with DEHAP was vetoed, strongly reacted and called it “illegal oppression”.

Oct 4, 2002 - DEHAP President Mehmet Abbasoglu strongly reacted to the Court of Cassation Prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu, who asked DEHAP for a defense statement, and the Constitutional Court Deputy President Hasim Kilic, who said that there would be a great deal of distress if DEHAP got into the parliament.

Oct 4, 2002 - As reported by local resources, the commander of the Gendarmerie Station at Gecitli village of Hakkari, Lieutenant Tuncay Akgul, threatened the villagers so that they do not vote for DEHAP at the oncoming elections, as he did during the last elections.  Lieutenant Akgul told the villagers, “At the last elections, many voters did not vote.  This time everybody will vote, and do not let be a vote for DEHAP.”

- In Bayyurdu village of Semdinli, Hakkari, the deputy commander of the Gendarmerie Station, Staff Sergeant Major Baki Karadag, menaced the village guards so that there be no votes for DEHAP, and insulted them and swore at them.  SSM Karadag said that he would be at the polls on November 3 and would see who voted for DEHAP.

- Semdinli Deputy Director of Education, Basri Daggol, had a meeting with the substitute teachers, who will work in the villages of Hakkari, and told them, “You are teachers, and you should not be involved in politics.  If there is a vote for DEHAP in the village you work, you will be responsible for it.”  The teachers reacted to Daggols threats, but then he increased the level of his threats and said, “I think of you.  I wouldn’t want your bread to be taken out of your mouth.”  He gave them the clear message that they would be fired if there were any votes for HADEP in the villages where they work.

Oct 5, 2002 - In Ercis, after the DEHAP candidates addressed a crowd of 1500 people that were gathered in front of the Party building and left the Party building to travel to Van, the police intervened.  They arrested numerous DEHAP members who accompanied the candidates.  During the police intervention, it was witnessed that parliamentary candidate Nezahat Ergunes was beaten by the police with club sticks, and other women party members were dragged on the ground.  DIHA Correspondent Evin Kuturman wanted to report the incident, but the police confiscated his films, and kept Kuturman in custody for a while.

Oct 5, 2002 - The police intended to impede the opening of the DEHAP party building at Bakirkoy, Istanbul, and caused distress.  However, thanks to the calm approach of the DEHAP executives the situation did not turn into a major incident.

Oct 6, 2002 - DEHAP Office at the Municipality of Yurtbasi in Elazig was attacked by an armed perpetrator or perpetrators.

Oct 6, 2002 - Istanbul Police Department recalled the flyers of ODP (Freedom and Solidarity Party), whereas the Province Government of Ankara gave TKP (Turkish Communist Party) permission to organize a meeting with the condition “to be quite”.  DEHAP, under whose roof HADEP, EMEP and SP joined forces, is still trying to prove eligibility to participate in the November 3 elections.  The Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor, Sabih Kanadoglu, informed DEHAP that according to the data from the Police Department the Party did not satisfy the prerequisite of minimum number of organized centers.  And DEHAP returned the diskette, which was sent to them by Kanadoglu and contained the information that DEHAP had organized centers in 63 provinces, back to himself.

Oct 8, 2002 - It was reported that in Osmaniye DEHAP’s flags and posters, which were hung in front of the poll offices, were taken down.  Abdullah Aydemir, the former president of HADEP at Osmaniye and the 1st tier candidate from Osmaniye, said that the flags and posters that were hung in front of the poll offices in the districts Cumhuriyet, Karaboyunlu, and Yunus Emre were taken down by the police from the Terrorism Branch Office and the Security Branch Office.

Oct 8, 2002 - The executives of HADEP at Adana allegedly violated Demonstration Law Article 2911 and had to testify at the Adana Prosecutor’s Office.  Leyla Guven, HADEP Adana Women’s Section President, Osman Fatih Sanli, DEHAP Adana 2nd tier candidate, Ahmet Yildiz, HADEP Adana Secretary, and Mahmut Tabak, DEHAP 9th tier candidate, were questioned by the Adana State Prosecutor on charges of “using illegal slogans” and “organizing a meeting without permission” during a press conference, which was organized by HADEP Adana Women’s Section at the Ugur Mumcu Place on March 8 World Women’s Day.

Oct 9, 2002 - The YSK (Supreme Election Board) convened yesterday upon the request of the Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor to discuss if DEHAP could participate in the parliamentary elections.

Oct 9, 2002 - DEHAP’s election office in the Hamidiye District of Kagithane was attacked with Molotov cocktails by an unknown person or persons.

Oct 9, 2002 - In the Kucukdikili Municipality of Adana, the gendarmes, who made an operation previous night, arrested Mehmet Yazici, employee of the Ozgur Halk Periodical at Adana, Murat Vural, the Executive of the HADEP Youth Section at the Kucukdikili Municipality, and Seyit Kasdas, a member of the HADEP Youth Section Press Commission.

Oct 10, 2002 - DEHAP’s parliamentary candidates from Istanbul 3rd District, Pervin Buldan, Gunay Kaya, and Huseyin Altun participated in the opening of the Women’s Office in the Inonu District within the scope of their election campaign.  While the parliamentary candidate Pervin Buldan was addressing the crowd, mostly women who were gathered in front of the Women’s Office, the gendarmes intervened.  Buldan tried to continue her address but she had to stop when the gendarmes ordered the people to leave.

The gendarmes blocked access to the Women’s Office and dispersed the crowd that was gathered for the opening of the office. (Kurdistan National Congress, October 23, 2002)

Recent violations of the right to free election reported by TIHV

Oct 14, 2002, Milliyet-TIHV - The local election council in Nevsehir decided to close down the private TV station Kapadokya TV, owned by the candidate for the True Path Party (DYP), Arif Parmaksiz for having made single sided broadcast and violated the principle on equality among the political parties. The objection to a higher election council was rejected and Kapadokya TV will have to close down between 13 and 15 October. In Elazig the TV stations Kanal 23 and Kanal E will have to close down three days for the same reason.

Oct 15, 2002, Cumhuriyet-TIHV - On 14 October Abdulmelik Firat, chairman of the Rights and Freedoms Party (HAKPAR) and independent candidate for the 3 November elections, went to testify to the prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC on charges of separatist propaganda. During a meeting of the advisors' council of his party on 9 October he allegedly said: "Amed is the capital of Kurdistan". In his testimony Firat admitted to have called Diyarbakir the heart of the Kurds and added that he was careful not to use such expressions too often.

Oct 17, 2002, Radikal-Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 16 October two police officers detained Serafettin Göksoy, when he was filming the convoy of HADEP in Varto district (Mus) for Medya TV. He was taken to Varto Police HQ, his cassettes were confiscated and he was interrogated. After 2.5 hours he was released and said: "Even before they took me to the police station I was beaten and accused of filming for Medya TV with my private camera. At the police station they continued beating me and cursed at me. I shall file an official complaint against the police officers." The High Election Council (YSK) stopped the broadcasting of "Ulusal TV" for five days on the grounds that the meeting of the Workers' Party (IP) in Istanbul-Bayrampasa had been broadcasted twice for 57 minutes each on 6 October 2002. The station Flash TV was banned from broadcasting for 5 days because of impressions of the Great Turkey Party (BTP) on 20, 22, 24, 25, 28, 29 and 30 September. The bans will start today at midnight.

Oct 22, 2002, Milliyet-TIHV - On 21 October Abdülmelik Firat, independent candidate for the election in Diyarbakir province, was detained in Lice district, when he started a speech by greeting the crowd in Kurdish. He was released after 8 hours.

Oct 22, 2002, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 21 October Ibrahim Demir, Abdullah Gözlek, Hüseyin Osal and Ihsan Uslu, who had been detained in Sirnak on 20 October because they played Kurdish music in the election bus of the DEHAP, were arrested and taken to Sirnak Prison. Salih Yildiz, enlisted as MP candidate for Hakkari  by DEHAP was detained on 20 October. Reportedly he was detained upon an information by repentant Gökhan Özer and was released a while later. In Enginalan village of Igdir the flags of DEHAP that were hanged in front of the election bureau was removed by the security forces. Then, Ibrahim Cantepe, owner of the coffee shop that was used as the election bureau was detained. Cantepe, was later released by Igdir Public Prosecution Office.

Oct 23, 2002, Cumhuriyet-TIHV - The retrial of Necmetin Erbakan, leader of the closed down Welfare Party, in connection with a speech he delivered in Bingöl on 25 March 1994 commenced on 22 October at Diyarbakir State Security Court (SSC). Following the amendment in Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC), Erbakan's lawyer Mehmet Ener had applied for a retrial demanding Erbakan's sentence of 1 year' imprisonment and his criminal record be lifted. During yesterday's hearing the SSC prosecutor argued that the adjustment laws did not make any amendments in the first paragraph of Article 312, and so, that it was impossible to evaluate Erbakan's speech within the limits of the "freedom of expression one's opinions". The SSC prosecutor said, "In his speech the convict openly incited his sympathizers and followers to hatred and enmity against those who are of different opinions and this incitement poses a clear threat to public order". The hearing was adjourned to a later date for the preparation of defense.

Oct 24, 2002, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 23 October Istanbul SSC No. 5 passed its verdict on Ayten Firat, board member of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP) in Istanbul. She was sentenced to 10 months' imprisonment and fine TL 2.6 million under Article 312 TPC for inciting the people to hatred and enmity in a way that endangers the public order. The case was based on a press statement Ayten Firat had made on 9 July 1999.

Oct 24, 2002, Evrensel-Radikal-TIHV - The High Election Council (YSK) decided on banning the broadcast of the TV station Star 4, Star 5, Star 6, Star 7 and Star Haber 24 that belong to the chairman of the Young Party Cem Uzan for five days each.  On 23 October Abdulmelik Firat, chairman of the Rights and Freedoms Party (HAKPAR) and independent candidate for the 3 November elections, was detained in Diyarbakir for he spoke Kurdish during his election campaigns. Firat was later released by the prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC.

Oct 26-27-28-29, 2002, Evrensel, Milliyet, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 26 October Mehmet Ali Kaya was injured, when followers of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) attacked an election bus of the Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) in Gültepe quarter (Istanbul). They stopped the bus saying that this was an area under their control. Although the DEHAP members wanted to continue after a discussion Mehmet Ali Kaya was hit by a fist so that his glasses broke. Later an unidentified person fired two shots in the bus and injured him to his leg. On 27 October a group of MHP followers attacked a convoy of the DEHAP in Cennetçesme quarter (Izmir). Reportedly one person was injured. On the same day the police stopped a DEHAP convoy in Mavisehir (Izmir). DEHAP followers protested with a sit-in and the police dispersed them under beatings. Allegedly the police confiscated the ID and camera of a reporter of the daily "Evrensel".

Oct 26-28-30, 2002, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - The local TV station AYTV, owned by Hüseyin Aksu, independent candidate for Aydin province, has to close down for 3 days. The Election Council for the Central District ruled that the program violated the bans for the election. On 25 October Ibrahim Güçlü, deputy chairman of the Right and Freedom Party (HAK-PAR) was detained in Hazro district (Diyarbakir). DEHAP Nevsehir MP candidate Ekrem Gerçeker and DEHAP executive Mesut Mahsun were detained on 29 October, because they did not wait one minute in silence at the monument of Atatürk on the Day of the Republic. The prosecutor later ordered their release. On 29 October Tahir Yigit, Osman Yilmaz and Saban Biyan, who had been detained in Antalya on 28 October, when they disposed banners during a meeting of Deniz Baykal, chairman of the Republican People Party (CHP) saying "You said we are workers and took our bread away". Mehmet Keskin, chairman of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP) in Saray district (Van), former executive Abdulkadir Ates and the treasurer of the Democratic People's Party (DEHAP), Yusuf Bilici were detained on 29 October, when they wanted to meet the DEHAP convoy coming to their town. In Derik district (Mardin) 52 workers were detained on their return from cotton fields. Allegedly they had shouted slogans in favor of DEHAP.

Le procureur veut que le parti renonce à son appellation "communiste"

A trois jours des élections, le premier procureur de Turquie a menacé jeudi de recourir à des sanctions si le parti communiste ne renonçait pas à son appellation "communiste", rapporte l'agence Anatolie.

Le minuscule parti communiste turc, recréé l'an dernier après des années d'interdiction, présente pour la première fois des candidats à la députation aux élections de dimanche.

Sabih Kanadoglu, le procureur de la plus haute Cour du pays, a motivé son intervention par la décision, prise en janvier dernier par la cour constitutionnelle, de donner six mois au parti communiste (TKP) pour se défaire de son nom.

La législation sur les partis politiques n'autorise pas l'utilisation du terme "communiste".

M. Kanadoglu a demandé à la Cour constitutionnelle de lui confirmer d'ici 24 heures que le parti a changé de nom.

Faute de quoi, il pourrait entamer une démarche visant à le faire interdire.

Le TKP, qui fait campagne sur le thème du non au FMI, non à l'Union européenne et non à la guerre contre l'Irak, avait été créé en 1920, avant même la fondation de la Turquie moderne.

Mais il avait été interdit cinq ans plus tard dans le cadre de mesures répressives adoptées pour lutter contre une rébellion kurde.

En 1990, deux de ses dirigeants avaient été emprisonnés à leur retour de l'exil et le parti fut de nouveau interdit.

Il a été recréé l'an dernier sans opposition immédiate des autorités. (AFP, 31 octobre 2002)
 

Cem Uzan (Jeune Parti), le manipulateur osé des médias

Le nouveau-né de la politique turque Cem Uzan, un baron des médias au programme populiste qui s'offre une campagne à 200 millions de dollars selon la presse, jongle à sa guise avec ses journaux et chaînes de télévision, au risque d'enfreindre les lois électorales.

Avec lui la politique est devenue un "produit commercial", estime le professeur Nuran Yildiz de la faculté de Communication de l'Université d'Ankara pour qui ce candidat "pour la première fois de notre histoire, s'est créé de A à Z".

Avant de lancer cet été son Jeune parti (Genc Parti) qui recueillerait plus de 10% des intentions de vote selon certains sondages, cet homme d'affaires de 42 ans, qui n'avait jamais touché à la politique, a pris conseil auprès d'un spécialiste de la publicité, Ali Taran, qui lui a confectionné une campagne sur mesure : un "one man show" pour les élections législatives du 3 novembre.

La firme Creative Workshop d'Ali Taran avait par le passé dirigé la campagne du parti ultranationaliste MHP qui avait remporté 21% des suffrages aux dernières législatives en 1999, un succès majeur.

Cem Uzan, le "beau grand blond", qui a multiplié les rassemblements politiques pendant cette campagne, cherche lui aussi à puiser dans le jeune électorat d'extrême droite, selon les observateurs.

Ses outils de campagne sont tout sauf négligeables : quatre chaînes de télévision, des radios, des journaux et des sites internet font amplement la promotion de son parti. Ses messages passent même sur les écrans des téléphones mobiles dont l'opérateur, Telsim, appartient à sa famille.

Ce baron des médias refuse toute interview sur ses écrans comme sur ceux des concurrents. Mais ses discours quasi-identiques, aux idées simplistes et aux promesses multiples, sont diffusés en abondance sur ses chaînes de télévision.

Trois d'entre elles ont d'ailleurs été temporairement suspendues pour avoir violé les lois électorales sur l'impartialité. La publicité du parti avait alors tout simplement basculé sur une quatrième chaîne.

"Cem Uzan s'adresse aux paumés de la société, à ceux qui cherchent à se venger du système qui les a oubliés", explique à l'AFP l'historien Aykut Kansu.

Il compare ses méthodes à celles utilisées par Adolf Hitler au début de sa carrière politique dans les années 1920, mais souligne que Cem Uzan est loin d'être l'orateur que fut le leader nazi.

"Cem Uzan ne peut être qu'un fasciste post-moderne", ajoute-t-il.

Ses journaux qui réservent la quasi-intégralité de leur "Une" chaque jour à la campagne du Genc Parti, n'hésitent pas à recourir au photo-montage quand la foule n'est pas suffisamment nombreuse à ses meetings politiques.

Pour attirer les curieux, Cem Uzan n'hésite pas à organiser des concerts pop lors de ses meetings politiques et à y distribuer gratuitement vêtements, charbon ou nourriture, en violation des lois électorales qui n'autorisent la distribution que de tracts politiques.

Plusieurs dirigeants de la compagnie Telsim, poursuivie pour escroquerie (2,7 milliards de dollars) par Nokia et Motorola, ainsi que des journalistes du groupe Uzan sont candidats du Genc Parti aux élections.

Mais ils restent tous dans l'ombre de leur chef.

Sa campagne, dont le coût atteindrait les 200 millions de dollars, selon les médias, choque et attire à la fois.

"Est-ce que quelqu'un va enfin pouvoir demander à Cem Uzan l'origine de cet argent", demandait Fatih Altayli, un éditorialiste du journal à gros tirage Hurriyet.

Les autorités devrait agir contre ce candidat qui profite des "flous" juridiques pour tenter de se faire élire député et échapper ainsi à de multiples procès en se prévalant de l'immunité parlementaire qu'il a pourtant promis de faire "disparaître", ajoutait M. Altayli. (AFP, 26 octobre 2002)
 

LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM

Torture and its punishment: Problem is not lack of law to prevent torture

The lawyer of 16 youths who were subjected to torture in the Manisa case that took place in the European Union's ordinary report on Turkey's accession to the EU and the chairman of Manisa Bar Association Serhan Ozbek, talking on torture and degrading treatments, said that the problem was not a lack of law to prevent torture and human degrading treatment, the problem was the implementation of these laws to prevent torture.

Ozbek said: "We have to accept that legal and administrative applications are bigger obstacles than the problems caused by legal articles in the laws in the democratization process. If Turkey becomes a democratic country, she would be democratic with her judiciary."

Ozbek stressed that it was a universal truth that a right taking place in law was not efficient to use that right: "We have also to provide that citizens may use their right practically and these rights should be taken into law actually. Unfortunately, there is not much reason to be optimistic about this in Turkey. Constitutional, legal arrangements, international agreements have been lost in the dark labyrinth of applications in Turkey."

According to the Copenhagen political criteria, in the countries to be member of the EU should have stable and institutional democracy, the superiority of law and the State of Law, the respect of human rights, said Ozbek and added that however the existence of all these were not enough, it should be implemented without interruption.

"As a matter of a fact, the European Human Right's Commission and European Court have insisted this; 'Turkish law is at a level to compensate the injustice subjected to, however, this mechanism to process this law is not run,' at their verdicts they made at the cases about Turkey. Furthermore, the passive attitudes of judiciary institutions on the verdicts and laws were not implemented and blamed at the verdict."

Talking about the Criminal Trial Procedure Law (CMUK), Ozbek said that CMUK has been changed more than 40 times: "It is known that there are new regulation under the extension of the National Program. Despite this, it is impossible to say CMUK regulating the procedure from the detention to court has exactly been implemented. As Manisa Bar, we are making research on the CMUK's implementation, we are going to release the results soon. This research shows that the judiciary and administrative implementations is progressing on the contrary of the aim of the law." Ozbek added, "While, according to Articles 153 and 154 of CMUK, real authority in the investigation belongs to Public Prosecutors, this authority has been used by police."

Stating that torture has been prohibited in the constitution and was called a crime in the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), Ozbek said: "Furthermore, Turkey has approved the United Nation's Agreement Prohibiting Torture, Human Degrading Treatments and European Agreement for Preventing Torture. Besides these agreements, new regulations on torture were made in the law, but despite all these, the situation in Turkey was not changed."

Stressing the ECHR accepted the applications on torture prohibition and human rights violations because of no efficient investigation in Turkey's jurisprudence, Ozbek said ECHR criticized Turkey for not carrying out Article 243 and 245 of the TCK efficiently.

Giving examples on human rights violations and jurisprudence applications of officials involved in torture, Ozbek said: "According to the official information, 48 gendarmes were judged of torture crimes within the last five years; 9 percent of these were sentenced and 22 percent of them were acquitted. However, 781 out of 5,000 applications made to ECHR against Turkey took place in the gendarmerie territory. According to the information given by the Interior Ministry, between 1995 and 1998, lawsuits involving 557 policemen charged of torture was brought and lawsuits involving 2,851 policemen charged of human degrading treatment were brought. Only ten out of the 557 policemen were sentenced for subjecting people to torture and 84 out of 2,851 policemen were also sentenced of degrading treatment. But, 84 policemen who were sentenced of degrading treatment escaped the punishment because of the 'Postponement Law' legislated in December 2000. Furthermore, an amnesty on officer's discipline punishment was launched in 1999. On the other side, according to research on information given by the Interior Ministry, only 3 percent of policemen who were charged of subjecting torture have been punished and none of them were dismissed."

Manisa Case: A symbol

The Manisa case known as the case of ten policemen who subjected 16 youths to torture took place in the European Union's ordinary report on Turkey's accession to the EU. The Manisa case is a sociological case that can be taught in schools.

In the Manisa case, the authority of the primary investigation belongs to the Republic Prosecutor, all legal procedures under detention and testimony of these 16 youths were realized by those policemen who were previously appointed in the Emergency Rules Governorship (OHAL). Another point in the Manisa case is that all these policemen who tortured the 16 defendants were not taken out of duty and all these suspects were on duty during the case. Because of this, during judging these 10 suspects, an efficient procedure was not followed up and the suspects had used their rights to defend themselves in order to take this case to overtime. But notifications from the court unfortunately could not reach some of these suspects, who were on duty.

"Seeing torture or degrading treats in any part of the world should not be a pretext. If there is a crime committed, it should be judged and punished. The Manisa case started in 1995 and the case has been going on for about seven years. The Supreme Court has made definite that the suspect police officers subjected the 16 youths to torture, for that reason the court should punish the suspects.

However, the case has been postponed many times due to the court notification problem. The overtime on the crime is seven and a half years. If the court makes a verdict, there would be another process. It is certain that after the verdict of the court, the suspects would apply to the Supreme Court and the case would be extended. The time remaining ahead would not be enough to sentence these suspects probably." (Turkish Daily News, October 16, 2002)
 

A petition to European Parliemant on political prisoners in Turkey

A petition of 155,000 signatures, protesting the conditions under which political prisoners are held in Turkey, was received today by the Office of the President of the European Parliament. Some 120,000 of the signatures were collected in Turkey, with the other 35,000 collected outside.

The petiton is the work of TAYAD, a group representing the families of political prisoners. "This petition has been collected under very difficult circumstances. We are campaigning for an end to the solitary confinement and torture of prisoners. Some 97 prisoners have died over the past two years. We ask the European Parliament to help speed up the process of democratisation in Turkey".

Accepting the petition on behalf of the President, Director-General Bo Manderup Jensen thanked TAYAD for the petition. "The President will ensure