Droits de l'Homme / Human Rights

Lawyer Behic Asci Reaches 175. Day in Hunger Strike

A one-man hunger strike launched by Turkish lawyer Behic Asci on April 5 marking the World Lawyers Day entered its 175th consecutive day on Tuesday, September 26, as the government continued to ignore his demands to address the issue of isolation of prisoners in the country's controversial maximum security F-type prisons.

Unaddressed problems at F-type prisons have so far lead to the death of 122 inmates/convicts and left behind more than 600 others crippled.

Asci, an attorney of law, declared in April this year "I am starting a hunger strike for the abolishment of isolation in prisons. I am on a hunger strike for the right to life in a country where law and justice have are being destroyed" and has since raised the support of a number of democratic mass organizations calling on the Ministry of Justice to end inhuman treatment in F-type prisons and save the lawyers life.

CHD's Bicen: Solution required before he dies

Contemporary Jurists Association (CHD) chairman Huseyin Bicen told bianet that rather than waiting for Asci to die on hunger strike, a solution to the ongoing problem needed to be found.

"Behic Asci's demands are not political but are humanitarian" he explained. "Humanitarian requests need to be addressed with humanitarian replies and a solution should not be delayed. Any tears to be shed after Asci's death will be crocodile tears."

Bicen called on the Ministry of Justice to take immediate steps towards solving the problem and said Bar Association chairmen needed to hold talks with the Platform Against Isolation to contribute towards a solution to the F-type prison problem.

DISK's Gorgun: Basic rights must be guaranteed

Turkey's Revolutionary Workers Unions Confederation (DISK) Ankara Regional Representative Tayfun Gorgun said problems encountered at Turkish prisons with F-type compounds coming at top of the list needed to be discussed immediately on a democratic and contemporary platform.

"The prisons should no longer remain to be a bleeding wound" said Gorgun, adding that work needed to be started to guarantee the most basic rights of inmates and convicts while the government heard the views of scientists and other relevant parties on the issue.

Gorgun appealed to the Ministry of Justice and all officials to hear the demands of families of the inmates and convicts held in prisons.

SES visits Asci

Health and Social Services Workers Union (SES) Sisli branch members on Tuesday paid a visit to Asci.

Prior to seeing the lawyer, SES Sisli Branch chair Rabia Tuncer said in a statement that the F-type enforcement needed to be abolished to protect the mental and physical health of all individuals without discrimination.

Support from democratic groups in Bursa

A number of democratic mass organizations based in Bursa visited lawyer Behic Asci last week at his house where he is continuing his hunger strike.

Human Rights Association Bursa branch executive Abdulaziz Akyol made a statement where he stressed that living conditions in F-type prisons were becoming more difficult by the day and added, "As human rights advocates we are hear now to the F-type prisons against isolation and to show that attorney.. Asci is not alone".

According to a news report in the Evrensel [Universal] newspaper, Asci continues his hunger strike at his home in the Sisli district of Istanbul and although he can still walk, has started to show signs of problems. The newspaper said he was thin and appeared to be exhausted and that he could not fulfill his daily functions. (BIA News Center, September 27, 2006)

Un attentat à la bombe à Igdir a fait 17 blessés

Un attentat à la bombe a fait 17 blessés, dont deux grièvement, samedi soir dans l'est de la Turquie, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie, citant la police. L'explosion s'est produite à l'intérieur d'une camionnette stationnée en face d'un poste de police d'Igdir, ville du même nom que la province, frontalière avec l'Arménie.

Parmi les blessés figurent cinq policiers.

L'attentat n'a pas été revendiqué et une enquête policière est en cours.

Encore samedi, un train de fret a déraillé à Palu, dans l'est de la Turquie, suite à l'explosion d'une mine posée.

L'attentat n'a pas fait de victime, selon la même source. L'ensemble des 15 wagons du train, qui était vide, ont déraillé ou ont été renversés, subissant tous des dégâts, selon les autorités, citées par l'agence. (AFP, 24 septembre 2006)

Swedish Foundation Grant Blocked at Customs

As Western grantmakers and local civil society organizations strive to get more aid to the southeast province of Batman where poverty, internal migration and lack of educational facilities compound problems for children, bureaucracy has stopped a recent grant made by the Swedish Olof Palme Foundation reaching the region.

According to a news report in the Batman Cagdas [Contemporary Batman] newspaper, a number of children's storybooks and over a dozen computers sent by the Foundation to the province have been stuck at Turkey's Kapikule Customs and their delivery now looks unlikely.

The Assistance and Solidarity Association for those Migrating (GOC DER) has failed to receive the 1,215 story books written in the Kurdish language and 15 computers sent for their distribution.

GOC DER Batman Chairman Ahmet Demir told Batman Cagdas that the shipment was being held in Edirne at the local customs for over a month now.

A news report on the issue in Batman Cagdas said "the GOC DER Batman branch has decided to abandon the grant. Demir has said that legally, the material stuck at customs could reach them after the Police and the Ministry of Education approve of it".

Demir added, "Our initiatives led to no results. Kapikule Customs will not approve of the books. Although Kurdish is not banned, we cannot get delivery of the grant books.

"Bureaucratic procedures are so difficult that we have ended up helpless. They are requiring us to allocate funds for the books we have not been delivered yet to be inspected. When we realized we couldn't cope with this situation, we wrote to customs for the books to be returned. (BIA News Center, September 22, 2006)

Lawyer Investigated to Reveal Child Torture

The Izmir Public Prosecutor's Office has launched an investigation against attorney Nalan Erkem who in 2003, as an executive of the city Bar Association Group to Prevent Torture, publicly disclosed the existence of torture and mistreatment of children held at the local Buca prison.

The investigation started after the prosecution received formal permission from the Ministry of Justice but Erkem told bianet on Wednesday that she was informed she had to prepare her defense in the next ten days or forgo her right of defense altogether.

Erkem said her right to defense was being violated with authorities refusing to give a copy of the case file to her lawyer as required by the Criminal Procedures Law article 153.

In the said period, as member of the executive board of the Izmir Bar Association Group to Prevent Torture (IOG), Erkem had passed on information and allegations to the press related to incidences of torture of children at the Buca prison children's ward, their denied access to legal counsel and refusals by prison authorities to requests of transfers.

The incident and reports coming prior to a riot at the children's ward were later referred to as reasons for a riot in the compound by the national press and were reported under headlines ranging from "Torture in Prison" to "Signs of a Riot Were There".

Erkem maintains that public revelation of the information which they had in many folders led not only to subsequent talks with senior officials on the issue but also an overall improvement in conditions for children held in prison and the construction of the Bergama prison for minors.

"At the end of this period child inmates are in far better conditions" Erkem told bianet. "This was realized through us making these torture claims known. But the cost of this is my being put on trial".

IHGD: End the investigation immediately

The Human Rights Agenda Association (IHGD) to which Erkem is a member of has issued a statement demanding the investigation to end immediately noting that the prosecution's argument, some three years after the incident, was that she had made a statement on an incident which was subject to investigation before the investigation into the prison riot had been concluded.

IHGD's statement said Instead of investigating those human rights advocates in Turkey who are struggling to prevent torture and mistreatment incidents, prosecutors have the responsibility to impartially and thoroughly investigate claims of torture and mistreatment, bringing those responsible in front of justice". ((BIA News Center, Tolga KORKUT, September 21, 2006)

Over 200 Intellectuals Say "Enough is Enough"

As the country commemorated the September 12, 1980 military take-over staged allegedly to end social violence on Tuesday more than 200 Kurdish and Turkish intellectuals issued a public communiqué calling on the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) to unconditionally end all armed activities.

The statement, coming in the footstep of an appeal made this week by the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) for the PKK to declare a new unilateral cease-fire, also called on the state to amend legislation and enforce new projects that would ensure public peace and the participation of everyone in democratic social life.

"We, the citizens who have undersigned, are concerned of the environment of violence and conflict that has recently intensified and say enough is enough" said the opening remarks of the statement.

Among those who signed the communiqué were leading intellectuals, jurists, human rights activists, unionists, academics, writers and journalists.

The names under the statement included those of Union of Turkish Physicians Chairman Prof. Dr. Gencay Gursoy, Diyarbakir Bar Association Chairman Sezgin Tanrikulu, Diyarbakir Chamber of Industry and Commerce Chairman Kutbettin Arzu, Revolutionary Workers Unions Confederation (DISK) Chairman Suleyman Celebi, Public Workers Unions Confederation executive board member Sevgi Goyce, journalists Murat Celikkan, Zeynep Oral, Ipek Calislar, academics Prof.Dr. Ibrahim Kaboglu, Prof. Dr. Melek Goregenli, Prof.Dr. Fatma Gok and Economic and Social Studies Foundation of Turkey (TESEV) Chairman Can Paker.

Included among the signatures were names of tens of jurists and trade and commerce chamber officials based in the troubled Southeast region as well as some former Kurdish politicians.

Starting off by voicing concern over the intensifies atmosphere of conflict in Turkey in the recent weeks, the statement said critical global and regional conditions as well as a continuation of conflicts showed that it was "becoming more difficult for the Turks and Kurds to live together in an environment of peace and security."

"We are worried of developments which might be impossible to reverse" it said.

The statement continued: "From whatever ethnic root they come from, we say 'no' to the killing of soldier-civilian youth and our children, for our rights to life, future, security, freedom to be placed under threat. We request peace for everyone in our country, justice for everyone.

"It is possible to solve problems that until this day were seen not to be solved through violence, through peaceful ways and this solution is in our hands only. We, who have lived on this land together for a thousand years, now want to leave a lasting peace for our children.

"Feeling the suffering of those we lost until this day in our heard, in order for no more lives to be darkened as of how, hopefully for the last time we are calling out: The PKK should unconditionally end its armed activities. Every form of violence should come to and end, the solution of problems through peaceful and democratic means should be facilitated.

"We also want all state institutions of the state to make the legislative changes and implement projects without losing time, for everyone to be able to participate in democratic social life and for social peace to be established. I belief that this is not a weakness but a duty and responsibility, we declare that we will follow up on our requests".

The new peace appeal comes almost a year after some 150 intellectuals including some of which signed this Tuesday's text, issued a similar statement calling on the PKK and the government to "silence the guns, end the clashes". A total of 264 Kurdish intellectuals had later issued their own statement in support of that communiqué. (BIA News Center, September 13, 2006)

Turkish Mother Rebels Against War

After two decades of war with Kurdish separatists, Turks have grown used to military funerals -- the coffins wrapped in the flag, the grieving parents, the officers standing stiffly at attention, the huge and highly charged crowds.

The funeral of 2nd Lt. Zeki Burak Okay last week was not expected to differ from the 6,000 others Turkey has witnessed since 1984. But then the mother of the 25-year-old conscript spoke out.

"I will not say 'Long live this country,'" said Neriman Okay, referring to the patriotic phrase used almost without fail by grieving relatives of men killed fighting. "I didn't bring my son up to be a soldier, and I do not accept his death," she said, adding: "He died for nothing."

In many places, what she described as her "rebellion" would hardly raise an eyebrow. In Turkey, where the Kurdish conflict has served to stir angry nationalism, it was unprecedented: For the first time, a victim of separatist violence openly questioned the reason for war and found a public willing to listen.

"Neriman Okay has given a voice to all mothers whose sons have yet to do their military service -- even those whose sons are still small children," wrote Meral Tamer, a columnist for the centrist daily Milliyet.

Not surprisingly, much of the ongoing press coverage of Mrs. Okay's outburst describes it as a criticism of the elected government.

Killed near the southeastern mountain town of Cukurca, Lt. Okay was one of seven soldiers whose deaths coincided with the unpopular decision to send peacekeeping troops to Lebanon.

The criticisms spiked when Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan told a member of the public demanding an end to the deaths of soldiers, "Military service is not a place where you just lie down and take it easy." In a country in which 90 percent of the 800,000 military personnel are conscripts, Mr. Erdogan's comment was deemed tactless. Some analysts see this as the beginning of the end of his government.

But though Mrs. Okay criticized Mr. Erdogan directly, saying he could say nothing to her unless he, too, had a son fighting in Turkey's conflict-torn southeast, it was clear that her criticisms went beyond him and his party.

"The last time I spoke to my son, he told me he had no idea what he was doing," Mrs. Okay told a reporter after the funeral. "I've only shot a gun once, and in training; all we did was five-kilometer runs,'" she quoted him as saying.

"Sending boys who have never shot a gun to fight terrorists who've been in the mountains for 20 years is pure stupidity," she said. "This should be a job for professionals."

Unlike Mr. Erdogan, and despite his reputation for hawkishness, Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, Turkey's new chief of staff, responded positively to Mrs. Okay's criticisms.

"I will listen with respect to anything the mothers of martyrs have to say," he said, using the religiously tinged word Turks employ for troops or policemen killed in action. "I kiss the hands of the martyrs' mothers, and I kiss the cheeks of the martyrs' fathers."

But analysts pointed out that one of the first things Gen. Buyukanit said on taking up the post last month was to insist that there would be no change to the system of military service.

There was nothing unusual about his reference to soldiering as a duty. According to a textbook all Turkish secondary school students study, military service is "the most sacred service to the nation." A person who has not experienced it "cannot be useful to himself, his family or his homeland."

This point of view is supported by Turkish law, as novelist Perihan Magden discovered to her cost this year when she wrote an article defending conscientious objection. She wound up in court this July on charges of "turning Turks against the military" and faced up to three years in jail but was acquitted.

Political scientist Ayse Kadioglu has little doubt that some Turks would like to see Mrs. Okay put on trial.

"They almost certainly won't be able to, though," he said. "These soldiers' mothers are untouchable, but it seems that this might just be a turning point." (The Washington Times, Nicholas Birch, September 13, 2006)

Le 26e anniversaire du coup d'état de 1980 en Turquie

Le 11 septembre, tous les médias du monde rendaient hommage aux quelque 3.000 victimes de l'attentat contre les tours du World Trade Center. A cette occasion, la plupart des dirigeants politiques du monde étaient "américains" et condamnaient le terrorisme.

Or, le 11 septembre était également le 33e anniversaire du coup d'état militaire au Chili fomenté par les Etats-Unis. Plus de dix-mille personnes ont marché dans les rues de Santiago hier pour rappeler les 3200 morts et 1200 disparus qu'a laissé la longue dictature d'Augusto Pinochet.  Mais aucun de ces dirigeants politiques n'étaient chiliens hier et n'ont prononcé aucun mot pour condamner le terrorisme américain et pro-américain.

Aujourd'hui, c'est le 26e anniversaire du coup d'état militaire en Turquie, fomenté toujours par les Etats-Unis.

Le 12 septembre 1980… Les généraux de l'Armée turque ont effectué un coup d'état militaire pour empêcher le progrès des forces civiles défendant les droits sociaux et économiques des travailleurs et les droits nationaux du peuple kurde. Le processus de démocratisation et d'adhésion à la Communauté Economique Européenne (actuellement l'Union Européenne) a été arrêté par force et le pays a été transformé en un immense camp de concentration.
 
En effet, le coup d'état du 12 septembre 1980 était la deuxième phase d'un processus de militarisation dans tous les domaines du pays.
 
Voici le bilan honteux des crimes commis par les putschistes pro-américains du coup d'état du 12 septembre:
 

•    La Constitution imposée en 1982 par la junte militaire a aboli les derniers vestiges des libertés reconnues par la Constitution de 1961.
•    Cette constitution nie les droits fondamentaux du peuple kurde et des minorités arménienne, assyrienne et grecque de la Turquie. La domination de l'Armée sur la vie politique, économique et sociale du pays a été rendue intouchable par les privilèges reconnus par cette constitution au Conseil de la Sûreté Nationale (MGK).
•    En deux ans, plus de 650.000 personnes ont été arrêtées et soumises à la torture. 500 personnes ont perdu la vie durant leur détention.
•    Des milliers de personnes ont été rendues handicapées. 210.000 procès politiques ont été ouverts devant les cours militaires.
•    Un total de 98.404 personnes ont été jugées en raison de leurs opinions.
•    6.353 personnes ont été jugées sous la menace de peine capitale.
•    21.764 personnes ont été condamnées à de lourdes peines de prison.
•    Cinquante personnes ont été exécutées à l'issue de (retirer le s) procès politiques. Des fichiers ont été ouverts sur 1.683.000 personnes.
•    348.000 personnes se sont vues refuser l'obtention de passeports.
•    Les universités ont été placées sous l'autorité du Conseil Suprême de l'Education (YOK), dépendant du pouvoir politique.
•    15.509 personnes ont été chassées de leurs postes universitaires sous la loi N°1402. 18.000 fonctionnaires, 2.000 juges et procureurs, 4.000 officiers de police, 2.000 officiers de l'Armée et 5.000 enseignants ont été forcés de démissionner. Tous les partis politiques ont été dissous. Les activités des 23.667 associations ont été arrêtées.
•    La presse a été soumise à la censure. 4.509 personnes ont été déportées par les commandants de la loi martiale. Plusieurs condamnés ont perdu la vie en prison en raison de mauvais traitements ou lors de grèves de la faim en protestation contre ces mauvais traitements.
•    113.607 livres ont été brûlés. 39 tonnes de livres, de magazines et de journaux ont été détruites par des usines de papier de l'Etat.
•    937 films ont été interdits. 2.792 auteurs, traducteurs et journalistes ont été traduits devant les tribunaux. Le total des peines de prison prononcées contre les journalistes et écrivains s'élevait à 3.315 ans et 3 mois.

26 ans après le coup d'état de 1980, toujours le terrorisme militariste
Intervention de Dogan Özgüden

26 ans après le coup d'état de 1980, la Turquie a-t-elle pu se débarrasser des vestiges de ce régime?

Pour réponse, nous publions ci-après le texte de l'intervention de Dogan Özgüden, président de la Fondation Info-Turk, lors de la soirée "Six heures pour nos libertés", organisées le 9 septembre 2006 par le Comité pour la Liberté d’Expression et d’Association (le CLEA):

L'objet de cette soirée est de défendre nos libertés contre les législations anti-terroristes adoptées depuis cinq ans en Belgique. Une période de cinq ans n'est qu'une courte période d'initiation ou d'apprentissage comparée à la longue expérience des peuples de Turquie.

En effet, l'histoire de Turquie, de l'Empire Ottoman à la République de Turque, est l'histoire de la lutte interminable contre le terrorisme.

Au début du 20e siècle, la terreur du Sultan Rouge contre les partisans de la démocratisation est suivie par la terreur des Jeunes Turcs, avec comme point culminant, le génocide des Arméniens et des Assyriens.  Motif: lutte indispensable contre le terrorisme arménien.

Début de la République... Une République fondée avec la promesse de démocratisation… En 1925, la terreur d'Etat contre le mouvement national kurde et les organisations de gauche se déclenche. Les tribunaux Istiklal (indépendance) appliquent une série de lois répressives. Motif: lutte indispensable contre le terrorisme kurde et communiste.

Non seulement les dirigeants de ces mouvements, mais également plusieurs figures historiques de la lutte nationale terminent leurs jours à la potence kémaliste.

Pire encore... Un des plus grands poètes du monde, Nazim Hikmet, fut emprisonné pendant plus de dix ans. Motif: le terrorisme par l'instigation des forces navales de la République contre le régime kémaliste.

Les coups d'état successifs de 1960, 1971 et 1980 sont des tournants historiques caractérisés par l'arrestation, l'emprisonnement, la torture et la pendaison de centaines de milliers d'opposants, toujours avec le même motif : lutte contre le terrorisme.

Le coup d'état du 12 septembre 1980 est la plus importante opération menée par les classes dominantes et les militaires, soutenus par les Etats-Unis, pour une militarisation forcenée dans tous les domaines du pays.

26 ans après de ce putsch sanglant, alors que l'Union Européenne marchande avec le régime d'Ankara:

Les généraux putschistes sont toujours protégés par le gouvernement et la demande des victimes pour les traduire devant des tribunaux est toujours refusée. Des écrivains et journalistes critiquant les généraux putschistes sont toujours jugés même sous le nouveau code pénal. Le président de la République Ahmet Necdet Sezer et d'autres dirigeants politiques ou militaires du pays rendent toujours hommage au chef de la junte, le général Kenan Evren.

La constitution anti-démocratique prônant la supériorité et le monopole de la race et de la langue turques (Articles 3, 42 et 66), imposée en 1982 par la junte militaire, est toujours en vigueur. L'Article 4 déclare que l'Article 3 ne pourra jamais être modifié et que même sa modification ne pourra être proposée. En plus, un système électoral imposant un seuil national de 10% est toujours maintenu au détriment des partis politiques représentant des opinions différentes, notamment pro-kurde ou de gauche. Ceci afin que le parti islamiste reste au pouvoir avec une majorité absolue dans le Parlement malgré un score électoral inférieur à 50%.

Malgré la soi-disant "démilitarisation" du Conseil National de la Sûreté (MGK), les militaires continuent à dicter leurs choix par les déclarations médiatisées du chef de l'Etat Major ou des commandants des forces terrestres, aériennes ou navales. De plus, le Haut Conseil Militaire (YAS), chargé de gérer le fonctionnement interne de l'Armée, continue à radier certains officiers considérés "anti-laïques" malgré l'opposition du gouvernement. Les militaires exercent leur contrôle sur la vie économique du pays par le biais de leur holding financier sui generis OYAK et d'une série d'industries de guerre.

Tout récemment, un faucon, le général Yasar Buyukanit, a été désigné comme le chef d'Etat Major malgré le fait qu'il a couvert des opérations subversives contre les démocrates kurdes et qu'il exerce toujours des chantages militaristes et ultra-nationalistes contre les forces civiles.

Il y a toujours des milliers de détenus politiques dans les prisons turques. Tout récemment, 442 avocats et stagiaires ont signé une déclaration réclamant l'abolition de l'isolement et du « traitement » des détenus notamment dans les prisons de type-F. En même temps, 281 personnalités turques ont fait une déclaration commune qualifiant l'isolement carcéral comme une torture. Ils déclarent que: "Le système d'isolement et le traitement infligé aux détenus depuis le 19 décembre 2000 constitue une violation flagrante et sévère des droits humains."

Le nouveau code pénal turc, applaudi par l'Union Européenne, constitue toujours une menace sur la liberté de presse. Plusieurs journalistes sont toujours jugés pour insulte à l'Armée, au gouvernement ou aux forces de sécurité en raison de leurs critiques, en vertu de l'article 301 (l'ancien article 159) du CPT.

Récemment, l'Union des Editeurs de Turquie (TYB) a annoncé que, l'année dernière, 530 actions judiciaires ont été lancées contre les journalistes en vertu des articles 213, 214, 215, 216, 218, 220, 301, 312 et 318 du nouveau code pénal turc et des articles 6 et 7  de la loi anti-terreur.  104 de ces procès ont fini par la condamnation des journalistes et seulement 22 par l'acquittement.

D'ici 12 jours, le 21 septembre, la jeune romancière Elif Safak sera jugée par un tribunal pénal pour insulte à la nation turque.

Le 5 octobre, les procès criminels s'ouvriront ou se poursuivront contre 45 intellectuels… La journaliste Ipek Calislar sera jugée pour insulte à la personnalité de Kemal Atatürk…

Sous prétexte de renforcer la lutte contre le terrorisme, une nouvelle version de la loi anti-terroriste a été adoptée par le Parlement turc.

La loi prévoit des peines d'un à trois ans de prison pour ceux qui seraient responsables de la publication de communiqués émanant d'organisations terroristes.

Des peines analogues sont prévues pour ceux qui seraient convaincus de propagande en faveur des groupes terroristes. Ces peines peuvent être accrues de moitié si le responsable du délit est un organe de presse.

La loi prévoit de lourdes amendes pour les propriétaires ou directeurs de publications ayant commis ces crimes ou délits et donne aux juges et aux procureurs le pouvoir de suspendre ces publications.

Ces peines s'appliquent également aux porteurs d'emblèmes ou d'uniformes appartenant aux groupes mis hors la loi au cours de manifestations.

En vertu de la nouvelle loi, le financement d'un groupe terroriste est passible de cinq ans de prison et de sept ans et demi s'il s'agit de fonctionnaires.

Les personnes suspectées de terrorisme peuvent être privées d'avocat pendant les premières 24 heures de leur détention.

Enfin, la nouvelle loi autorise les forces de sécurité à faire usage de leurs armes, au cours d'une opération de sécurité, contre les suspects qui refuseraient d'obtempérer.

L'exécution sommaire et la torture lors d’arrestations sont toujours pratiquées. Tout récemment, des manifestants kurdes ont été abattus par les forces de sécurité. De plus, les groupes ultra-nationalistes sont encouragés à lyncher ceux qui se manifestent pour défendre les droits du peuple kurde ou pour protester contre les conditions carcérales des prisonniers politiques...

Il y a trois jours, le Comité anti-torture du Conseil de l'Europe, dans son rapport sur la Turquie, déclarait: «La situation des droits humains en Turquie continue d’être entachée par l’existence de procès inéquitables. Les personnes inculpées en vertu de la Loi Antiterroriste sont jugées lors de procès interminables et marqués par des irrégularités, qui sont le signe flagrant d’une justice en échec."

Malgré quelques réformes cosmétiques, les droits égaux (enseignement, expression audio-visuelle, association) ne sont toujours pas reconnus pour le peuple kurde ainsi que pour les minorités ethniques ou religieuses du pays, notamment  arméniennes, assyriennes, grecques et alévites. Toutes les initiatives pacifiques du mouvement national kurde en vue d'arriver à une solution pacifique sont systématiquement déclinées et les opérations militaires se poursuivent afin de satisfaire la voracité de l'Armée et de l'industrie de guerre.

La semaine passée, la Commission des Affaires Etrangères du Parlement Européen a voté une résolution demandant la reconnaissance du génocide des Arméniens, Assyriens et Grecs comme un préalable à l'adhésion turque à l'Union Européenne. Toutefois, Ankara ne montre aucune intention de reconnaître les injustices et atrocités commises dans l'histoire de la Turquie et poursuit une politique absolument négationniste. Selon le motif de l'Article 305, les citoyens qui demandent le retrait des militaires turcs de Chypre ou déclarent que le génocide arménien a effectivement eu lieu pendant la première guerre mondiale pourront être poursuivis en justice.

En plus, les missions diplomatiques d'Ankara  incitent souvent les ressortissants turcs et même les élus ou candidats d'origine turque des partis politiques européens (socialistes, libéraux, écolos ou chrétiens) à faire des déclarations négationnistes.

La campagne électorale actuelle en Belgique devient de plus en plus un moyen de règlement de comptes du lobby ultra-nationaliste turc avec les forces démocratiques belges ou turques, et ce sous une étonnante bienveillance des dirigeants politiques belges, notamment du PS, du MR ou du CDH.

Je me souviens des années début 70, une époque historique illustrée de solidarité belge avec les exilés espagnols, portugais, grecs, turcs, vietnamiens, chiliens qui étaient déclarés "terroristes" par les dictatures fascistes de leurs pays respectifs.

Il est fort possible qu'un Elio Di Rupo, une Laurette Onkelinx, un Didier Reynders, une Joëlle Milquet, en tant que jeunes universitaires ou lycéens de l'époque participaient à ces actions de solidarité ou les suivaient avec une certaine admiration.

Ironie de sort… Aujourd'hui, ces mêmes personnalités, soumises aux pressions et chantages des dirigeants des Etats-Unis et de la Turquie, adoptent les mêmes législations répressives et, en ce qui concerne par exemple la Turquie se montrent solidaires non avec les victimes arméniennes, assyriennes, kurdes ou turcs du régime répressif d'Ankara, mais avec ce régime en poursuivant les opposants et en plaçant des Loups Gris ou des négationnistes dans leurs listes électorales.

Aujourd'hui, la question des droits de l'Homme en Turquie est également une question pour la Belgique et l'Union Européenne.

J'espère que la coopération turco-européenne et turco-belge sera développée non pour le renforcement de la terreur d'Etat mais pour la liberté de tous les citoyens de Turquie.

Dogan Özgüden
Bruxelles, le 9 septembre 2006

TIHV: "September 12 Coup Intact: Seeking Rights Still a Crime"

Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) Chairman Yavuz Onen has said that the September 12, 1980 military coup was still intact in Turkey but for renewing itself and using sophisticated methods of existence.

A most recent example of which could be seen in Monday's mass circulation Turkish daily Hurriyet in an article by Fatih Cekirge that accused, on behalf of officials, relatives of Turkish soldiers killed in action in the Southeast for reacting to the deaths and branded their verbal frustration as an instrument of terror.

Onen said the so-called "democracy with muscle" created after the 1980 coup era had in today's Turkey "declared seeking rights an offence and made it illegal". He said "it creates a situation where it appears as if the state of Turkey cannot be in harmony with international values on human rights".

Referring to Cekirge's report in Hurriyet that referred to anti-war protests as being part of a terror plot against Turkey, Onen said "this news report regards being against war as an act of terror and related to terror organizations. I do not believe it is the product only of Cekirge's pen or a deep conversation. This is result of a psychological operation that has been planned since September 12. This operation is a strategy to make all democratic leaps, the act of using democratic rights an offence".
"Operation to Suppress Society"

Bianet interviewed Yavuz Onen on the consequences of the 1980 military coup, those who conducted it, today's Turkey and what it meant to be an advocate of human rights..

What kind of barrier does September 12 and its consequences place in front of today's human rights advocacy?

The September 12 law became institutionalized and is continuing by developing. It re-created itself at every stage. It laid the ground for law in Turkey. It destroyed the concept of democracy. A deformed 'muscle democracy' hence became perceived as democracy. September 12 laid the ground for muscle democracy, in other words the authoritarian regime.

This was a project to end all oppositions and particularly the left whichever name it existed under. This was a Cold War method. As result of it, they put political Islam in power.

This period continues. The greatest barrier in front of us is the September 12 constitution. Not only written documents but also understanding is also a barrier. Before anything, an atmosphere needs to be created to amend the constitution.

As for the today's governments that are products of September 12, they hold on to the constitution with all their might and they do not change it.

This declares it illegal to seek justice, rights. There is a situation where it appears that the state of Turkey cannot harmonize with international values of human rights.

Hurriyet's headline, meanwhile, evaluates being against war as an act of terror or something in relation to a terror organization. I do not believe this comes from Cekirge's pen alone, or from a deep conversation.

This is the result of a psychological operation that has been planned since September 12. The September 12 strategy is a strategy of making all democratic leaps and all acts of using democratic rights an offence.

We come across this situation in daily life every day. The democracy process which we thought had started in 2000 has not been able to overcome September 12 either.

It is frequently voiced that Argentina is similar to Turkey. Argentina can put their coup leaders on trial. Why does this not happen in Turkey?

Leave putting them on trial in Turkey alone, those who have served the coup are being rewarded instead, placed under protection. The only person who lives a life in luxury under constant protection is not [1980 coup leader general] Kenan Evren. The richest generals came out of the September 12 generals...

The state has the problem of coming face to face with reality. Facing 30 years of a bloody past is tense. The society needs to face this past.

Today in Turkey there is the will to make the concept of war a civilian concept. For the war between the Turkish Armed Forces and the PKK to take a civilian angle brings the threat of being directed to civil war. They want the society to actively be a part of this. They want to spread the culture of conflict to the civilian environment.

Developments over the funerals held for martyrs are a product of this. Even though the mothers, fathers, are quite straightforward and crying out with feelings of humanity, they are being displayed as an instrument of terror in Cekirge's article.

This is an operation to siege the society and suppress it in order to force those against war back.

September 12 still continues. It does so by renewing itself, through sophisticated methods.

Because of this the activities carried out yesterday against September 12 are ver meaningful. Suggestions that all of those responsible for the September 12 should be identified and put on trial are correct.

Is there no way out of this system created on September 12?

Opposition policies need to use a more effective language and program. Political organizations need to work more, come into the foreground, and create a dialogue with the people on democratic grounds.

Because the propaganda accusing those calling for peace is very strong... Humanitarian values are being portrayed as if they were treason.

Because of this, the process of an effective program for a political leap needs to be started. I believe that it is the leftwing opposition that could do this.

If there is to be a way out, this will definitely come from the left. Because what they have tried to destroy for 40 years is the left. The left needs to be effective in active politics.

One needs to recall the example of the Workers Party of Turkey here. It is possible to be an organized and effective voice in the field of politics. This is not an issue of having a majority. It is an issue of existence. Demands should not be restricted only to the concept of democracy. For instance demands for conditions should be made for the electoral barrier and to be represented in the Political Parties Law.

Because they are changing the agenda, attention is being distracted from these critical problems. The manipulation in Turkey's largest newspaper, an attempt by a journalist to converse with the prime minister and those around him to create public opinion, shows we are at a crucial point.

One of the main targets of September 12 was to suppress the labor movement and integrate Turkey into neoliberalizm. With this in mind, should human rights advocacy not address labor?

Of course. The greatest unjust in the world stems from economic division. Hunger, poverty, unemployment, inequality in shares, rights violations come at top of the list.

Because of this reason it could be said that defending human rights is defending the rights of the laborers.

Neo-liberal policies only increase the pain of this unjust. Defending rights in the classic sense is not limited to negative rights -personal rights. It has to have a perspective including economic, social, cultural rights. In Turkey this is the way we have always looked at defending human rights. (BIA News, Tolga KORKUT, September 12, 2006)

AI: Procès inéquitables et déni de justice dans les tribunaux turcs

En Turquie, les personnes inculpées en vertu de la Loi antiterroriste continuent d’être soumises à des procès interminables a révélé aujourd’hui Amnesty International, citant certains cas où la détention excède dix ans.Dans son rapport intitulé Turkey: Justice delayed and denied, l’organisation souligne que ces procès se fondent souvent sur des éléments de preuve anciens et obtenus sous la torture.

«La situation des droits humains en Turquie continue d’être entachée par l’existence de procès inéquitables, a déclaré Nicola Duckworth, directrice du programme Europe et Asie centrale d’Amnesty International. Les personnes inculpées en vertu de la Loi antiterroriste sont jugées lors de procès interminables et marqués par des irrégularités, qui sont le signe flagrant d’une justice en échec.

«Le gouvernement turc a beau affirmer sa volonté d’éradiquer la torture, on note avec consternation que les éléments de preuve obtenus par de telles méthodes sont toujours admis dans les tribunaux pénaux spéciaux et pris en compte par les juges.»

Les personnes inculpées d’infractions prévues par la Loi antiterroriste sont traduites devant les tribunaux pénaux spéciaux. Ceux-ci appliquent des procédures tout aussi iniques que les cours de sûreté de l’État qu’ils ont remplacées :

des personnes inculpées depuis de longues années (certaines en 1993) sont toujours derrière les barreaux sans avoir pu faire valoir de manière appropriée leurs droits à la défense ou leur droit d’être rejugées de manière équitable, alors même que la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme a statué dans certains cas en leur faveur et estimé que la Turquie avait contrevenu à ses obligations en matière d’équité des procès ;

juges et procureurs sont bien souvent les mêmes personnes qui exerçaient à l’époque des cours de sûreté de l’État, ce qui contribue à la poursuite des irrégularités dans le nouveau système ;

de manière arbitraire, des juges s’abstiennent régulièrement de citer des témoins à comparaître, privant les personnes inculpées de leur droit de bénéficier d’une défense effective.

Les autorités ont certes mis en place la possibilité pour certaines personnes d’être rejugées – dans les cas où la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme a estimé que la Turquie avait violé les normes d’équité des procès. Toutefois, les procès qui se sont tenus jusqu’à présent n’ont pas permis un véritable réexamen exhaustif et impartial des éléments de preuve.

«La loi prévoit que les personnes en faveur desquelles la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme s’est prononcée ont le droit d’être rejugées. Les procès ayant eu lieu jusqu’à présent dans ce cadre se sont déroulés de manière kafkaïenne : les mêmes juges et les mêmes représentants du ministère public se contentant d’épousseter les mêmes dossiers et parvenant, comme l’on pouvait s’y attendre, aux mêmes décisions, précisément celles critiquées par la Cour européenne. Des éléments de preuve anciens et sujets à caution – pour beaucoup obtenus sous la torture – sont toujours pris en compte», a précisé Nicola Duckworth.

Par ailleurs, le gouvernement a assorti le droit de bénéficier d’un nouveau procès d’une clause spécifique en vertu de laquelle les personnes dont l’affaire était toujours en instance devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme le 4 février 2003 ne pourront pas être rejugées. Introduite pour éviter un nouveau procès du dirigeant du Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan (PKK, Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan), Abdullah Öcalan, cette disposition discriminatoire lèse également toutes les personnes pour lesquelles la Cour européenne ne s’était pas prononcée à cette date.

«Les autorités turques doivent de toute urgence procéder à un examen systématique de l’ensemble des procédures pénales en cours afin d’identifier toutes les affaires dans lesquelles existent des allégations selon lesquelles des déclarations de suspects, de prévenus ou de témoins ont été obtenues illégalement par la torture ou par d’autres mauvais traitements. Elles doivent prendre les mesures nécessaires afin que soient classées les affaires dans lesquelles on peut soupçonner avec raison que les principaux éléments de preuve retenus contre le prévenu reposent sur des «aveux» obtenus sous la contrainte, a déclaré Nicola Duckworth.

Amnesty International demande au gouvernement turc de se conformer aux normes internationales d’équité des procès et d’entamer une enquête approfondie sur toutes les allégations de torture, de faire en sorte que les tribunaux ne prennent plus en compte aucun élément de preuve obtenu sous la torture, de veiller à ce que le droit de bénéficier d’une défense effective soit mis en œuvre et de réduire la durée de la détention provisoire et des procédures pénales.

Pour obtenir de plus amples informations, veuillez consulter le document intitulé Turkey: Justice delayed and denied: The persistence of protracted and unfair trials for those charged under anti-terrorism legislation, Index AI : EUR 44/013/2006, http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engeur440132006.

(Index AI-KurdishInfo, 6 septembre 2006)

Garde à vue et détention en Turquie : des problèmes subsistent

Les conditions de détention ont continué à s'améliorer en Turquie même si des mauvais traitements continuent à être enregistrés, notamment dans des commissariats, a indiqué mercredi le Comité anti-torture (CPT) du Conseil de l'Europe dans un rapport.

 Rendant compte d'une visite effectuée en décembre 2005 dans une série de prisons et de commissariats ainsi que dans plusieurs hôpitaux psychiatriques, le CPT a noté que les allégations de mauvais traitements étaient globalement "en déclin".

Il a néanmoins fait état de mauvais traitements dans deux commissariats d'Istanbul (ceux des quartiers de Beyoglu et de Gayrettepe) ainsi qu'au quartier général de la police de Van (ouest de la Turquie) où des suspects placés en garde à vue ont rapporté avoir fait l'objet de passages à tabac ou d'écrasement des parties génitales.

En ce qui concerne les prisons, le CPT a pointé du doigt la prison d'Adana où les mauvais traitements incluent des claques, des coups et des injures et où toute infraction au réglement est punie par des châtiments corporels.

Le CPT signale aussi une augmentation des mauvais traitements infligés en dehors des commissariats ou des prisons, dans des endroits isolés, conséquence de l'amélioration de la protection juridique en matière de détention.

Les conditions de détention observées par la délégation du CPT ont été jugées "globalement adéquates", à l'exception celles régnant au commissariat de Sirkeci ainsi que dans celui recevant des détenus immigrés à Istanbul dont "la surpopulation scandaleuse et la saleté générale défient l'imagination".

Le gouvernement turc a indiqué dans une lettre de février 2006 qu'un bâtiment nettement plus vaste serait mis en service pour ces détenus d'ici à la fin de l'année.

La visite du CPT a également révélé de "sérieux problèmes" dans l'accès aux soins dans les prisons ainsi qu'un recours important aux traitements par électrochocs "sans anesthésiants" dans les hôpitaux psychiatriques d'Adana et de Bakirköy..

"Le CPT est particulièrement préoccupé par l'utilisation éventuelle des électrochocs pour calmer rapidement des malades agités", note le rapport qui réclame que ce type de traitement fasse l'objet d'un consentement par écrit.

Dans sa réponse, le gouvernement turc a mis en avant les efforts réalisés ces dernières tant sur le plan législatif qu'en matière de formation pour combattre "toutes les formes de mauvais traitements".

Bien que le thème n'ait pas été au menu de sa visite, la délégation du CPT s'est inquiétée des conditions de détention du leader séparatiste kurde Abdullah Öcalan sur l'île-prison d'Imrali et de l'impossibilité pour ses avocats et ses proches de lui rendre visite. Elle précise que ce problème fait l'objet d'un dialogue spécifique entre le CPT et les autorités turques. (AFP, 6 sept 2006)

Top court to hear challenge to terror law changes

The Constitutional Court yesterday decided to hear a case filed by the president asking it to strike down two articles on freedom of the press in the controversial Anti-Terror Law.

The court didn't give the exact date of the session when the case will be discussed.

President Ahmet Necdet Sezer has requested the Constitutional Court annul some clauses of Articles 5 and 6 of the Anti-Terror Law.

The law has drawn fire from the opposition and civil groups on the grounds that it limits basic rights and freedoms. It was passed late in June just before Parliament's recess on July 1.

Article 5 of the law proposes penalties for those who disclose the identity of those involved in the fight against terrorism. The article also gives judges -- or public prosecutors in urgent cases requiring an immediate decision -- the authority to suspend the publications of dailies and magazines that spread terrorist propaganda from between 15 days to a month.

The president also asked for the annulment of Article 6, which proposes fines for owners and editors in chief -- even if they don't personally commit the crime -- of the publications in question.

President Sezer said in his petition that the owners of media organs and editors in chief are liable to sentences due to the activities of others and therefore the articles violate the principle of personal responsibility in the execution of crime.

Sezer claimed that the clauses in question violate freedom of the press and the proportionality principle in restricting fundamental rights and freedoms. (The New Anatolian, 6 September 2006)

La loi électorale turque devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme

La Cour européenne des droits de l'homme (CEDH) s'est penchée mardi sur la loi électorale turque à la demande de deux candidats malchanceux d'un parti pro-kurde qui contestent le seuil électoral qu'un parti doit franchir pour entrer au Parlement, a-t-on appris auprès de la Cour.

Les deux candidats Mehmed Yumak et Resul Sadak s'étaient présentés aux élections législatives turques en 2002 sous l'étiquette du parti Dehap (parti démocratique du peuple, pro-kurde) dans le département de Sirnak où le parti Dehap avait obtenu 45,9% des suffrages exprimés.

Mais ils n'avaient pas été élus car le parti pro-kurde n'avait pas obtenu 10% des suffrages au niveau national, comme le prévoit la loi électorale turque.

Lors de ces élections, seuls deux partis, l'AKP (le parti au pouvoir, issu de la mouvance islamiste) et le parti social démocrate CHP, avaient pu envoyer des représentants au Parlement turc, 40% des électeurs n'étant en revanche pas représentés.

Selon les deux requérants, le fait qu'un seuil électoral de 10% soit imposé lors des élections législatives "porte atteinte à la libre expression du peuple sur le choix du corps législatif" et enfreint l'article 3 du protocole 1 (droit à des élections libres) de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme.

L'arrêt a été mis en délibéré à une date non précisée.

Pressé depuis longtemps par l'Union Européenne de modifier ce seuil, l'AKP a indiqué le mois dernier qu'il souhaitait amender la loi électorale pour réduire l'âge d'éligibilité et faire passer le seuil minimum qu'un parti doit franchir pour entrer au Parlement turc de 10 à 7% des suffrages exprimés. (AFP, 5 sept 2006)

Dix morts, dont huit militaires, en deux jours dans le sud-est

Huit soldats turcs ont été tués et deux autres blessés lors d'incidents survenus, vendredi et samedi, avec des guérillas kurdes dans le sud-est du pays.

Trois soldats, dont un officier, ont été tués, vendredi soir, par l'explosion d'une mine activée à distance à Guçlukonak, près de la frontière turco-syrienne.

La région du sud-est, à majorité kurde, a connu un second incident, samedi, lorsque des guérillas kurdes ont attaqué un poste de gendarmerie à Cukurca, près de la frontière avec l'Irak. Deux soldats ont été tués et deux autres blessés dans cette attaque.

Un soldat, membre d'une patrouille en mission dans une localité frontalière avec l'Iran, à Saray, a été tué par un tir provenant du côté iranien.

Samedi, deux autres soldats ont été tués par l'explosion d'une mine au district de Dicle dans la province de Diyarbakir.

Dimanche, deux personnes, un civil et un policier, blessées par l'explosion d'une bombe dans un parc de Van (est de la Turquie) ont succombé à leurs blessures à l'hôpital. Parmi les blessés se trouve un deuxième policier.(AFP-Cumhuriyet, 2-3 sept 2006)

Pression sur les médias / Pressure on the Media

Amnesty International calls on government to abolish Article 301

Stressing its "dismay" at journalist Hrant Dink facing yet more charges under Article 301, Amnesty International pressed yesterday for the controversial law to be not just changed, but done away with entirely.

"Amnesty International is dismayed at today's news that yet another case has been opened against journalist Hrant Dink on charges of 'denigrating Turkishness' under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code" (TCK), said an Amnesty International USA statement. "The organization considers that this prosecution is part of an emerging pattern of harassment against the journalist exercising his right to freedom of expression -- a right which Turkey, as a state party to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, has a legal obligation to uphold."

A new case was filed against Dink, a journalist and editor in chief of Turkish-Armenian Agos weekly, on Monday on charges of denigrating Turkish identity, by saying in an interview, "Of course, I call this a genocide. Because the result itself identifies what it is and gives it a name. You can see that a lot of people who have been living on these lands for 4,000 years have disappeared."

In its statement, Amnesty pointed to how this is the third time that Dink alone has faced charges under 301, adding, "Amnesty International is particularly concerned at this latest prosecution because it seems to constitute a pattern of judicial harassment against the writer for peacefully expressing his dissenting opinion."

Maintaining that the group will consider Dink a prisoner of conscience should he be found guilty, the group said that it considers the latest prosecution to be particularly disappointing following the welcome acquittal four days ago of another writer, novelist Elif Safak, on charges under Article 301 relating to statements made by characters in her novel "The Bastard of Istanbul."

"The organization had seen this as a positive step for freedom of expression in Turkey but fears this acquittal may prove to be the exception rather than the rule and demonstrates yet again the failure of certain members of the Turkish judiciary and prosecution to internalize international law, as required by Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution," the group said. "The organization reiterates its call for Article 301 to be abolished in its entirety, thereby putting an end to arbitrary implementation of this ill-defined law."

The group also said that the prosecution arises from a complaint lodged by elements of civil society opposed to the abolition of Article 301, who have repeatedly staged provocative and sometimes violent protests at trials, calling on the Turkish authorities to take all the necessary measures to protect defendants, their lawyers and supporters.

Journalists call on govt, opposition to abolish Article 301

The Progressive Journalists Association (CGD) also called for the abolition of Article 301, saying that Safak's recent acquittal doesn't solve the problems related to the controversial article.

CGD head Ahmet Abakay said yesterday, "The article in question constitutes a threat to all writers and journalists," adding that the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) and the ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party should compete over democracy, not nationalism.

"I don't agree with Dink's statements which resulted in him being prosecuted again," Abakay said. "But I fully support his freedom to express his ideas freely. I'm calling on both the CHP and the AK Party to do away with this shameful article."  (The New Anatolian, 28 September 2006)

The number of the imprisoned journalists climbed to 25

The Platform of Solidarity With Imprisoned Journalists (TGDP) has announced that recently five journalists were arrested during new police operations against editorial staffs of the journals Atilim , Özgür Halk and Genç Bakis, and  the Özgür Radio. The new victims of the pressure on the media are Halil Dinç, Mehmet Güzel, Serdal Isik, Özge Kelekçi and Emin Orhan.

The following is the updated list of the imprisoned journalists by September 27, 2006:

1- Ibrahim Cicek, chief editor of the journal Atilim, F-type Prison N°2 in Tekirdag
2- Sedat Senoglu, chief coordinator of the journal Atilim, F-type Prison N°2 in Edirne
3- Füsun Erdoğan, Coordinator of the Özgür Radio  Gebze Special Type Prison
4- Halil Dinç, Chief Correspondent of Özgür Radio
5- Mehmet Güzel, Antep correspondent of the journal Atilim
6- Serdal Işık, Diyarbakir correspondent of the journal Atilim
7- Özge Kelekçi, correspondent of the journal Atilim
8- Emin Orhan, columnist of the journal Atilim
9- Hasan Coşar, columnist of the journal Atilim, Sincan F-type Prison
10- Ziya Ulusoy, columnist of the journal Atilim, F-type Prison N°1 in Tekirdag
11- Bayram Namaz,   columnist of the journal Atilim, F-type Prison in Edirne
12- Suat Kolca, publisher of the journals Özgür Halk and Genç Bakis, Bayrampasa Prison
13- Yaşar Duman, Yasar Duman, columnist of the journals Özgür Halk and Genç Bakis, Bayrampasa Prison
14- Selahaddin Sumeli, writer of the journals Özgür Halk and Genç Bakis, Bayrampasa Prison
15- Mahmut Bozdag, writer of the journals Özgür Halk and Genç Bakis, Bayrampasa Prison
16- Memik Horuz, Journal Isci-Köylü, Bolu F-type Prison
17- Erol Zavar, Journal Odak, Sincan F-type Prison
18- Hatice Duman, Journal Atilim, Gebze Special Type Prison
19- Mustafa Gök, Journal Ekmek ve Adalet, Sincan F-type Prison
20- Evrim Dengiz, Dicle News Agency, Mersin E-type Prison
21- Nesrin Yazar, Dicle News Agency, Mersin E-type Prison
22- Baris Acikel,  Journal Isci Köylü, Kandira F-type Prison N°1
23- Rüstü Demirkaya, DIHA correspondent, Tunceli Prison
24- Füsun Erdogan,  Pasakapisi Prison in Istanbul
25- Filiz Gülkokuer, Mersin correspondent of the journal Alinteri, Gebze M-type prison
 
The TGDP appeals all press organizations and journalists to take part in a campaign of solidarity with the imprioned journalists in Turkey.

e-posta: tutuklugazeteciler@mynet.com
gsm: 90-534-929 75 86 (Necati Abay, president)
(TGDP, September 17, 2006)

Un octogénaire ayant accusé Erdogan condamné pour diffamation

Une Cour d'Ankara a condamné mercredi un octogénaire à payer 10.000 livres turques (5.300 euros) d'amende pour diffamation au Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, qu'il avait accusé de favoriser une dérive islamiste en Turquie, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

Mehmet Fethi Dördüncü, un ingénieur à la retraite de 83 ans, s'est vu infliger cette lourde sanction pour avoir fustigé la politique islamo-conservatrice du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), au pouvoir, selon l'agence.

Le retraité avait collé une lettre de deux pages dans le livre d'or de la maison natale de Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, le père fondateur de la Turquie moderne et laïque, à Salonique.

Ce document, particulièrement critique, avait été découvert et déchiré du livre d'or par M. Erdogan lors d'une visite de celui-ci début mai dans cette ville grecque.

La lettre accuse l'AKP d'être constitué d'"infidèles" voulant "se servir de l'islam comme d'un bouclier" et d'"exploiter les sentiments religieux" des Turcs.

L'octogénaire s'en prend particulièrement à M. Erdogan, qu'il accuse d'être un "esclave" des Etats-Unis et de l'Union européenne.

L'affaire avait défrayé la chronique en Turquie.

M. Dördüncü, qui vit à Istanbul, s'est vu en outre intenter une procédure pénale par le Premier ministre. Il risque jusqu'à quatre ans de prison.

M. Erdogan, dont le parti est arrivé haut la main au pouvoir en 2002, renie son passé d'islamiste, préférant se qualifier de "conservateur démocrate".

L'AKP est régulièrement accusé par ses détracteurs de conserver en secret un programme islamiste, une allégation niée par le parti. (AFP, 27 sept 2006)

Security Courts Relaunched For Journalists!

The cases of journalists charged with "propaganda" and prosecuted at Criminal Courts of First Instance for interviews conducted with armed organization leaders are being transferred to Specialized High Criminal Courts under recent amendments made to Turkey's Anti-Terror Law.

Initially subject to the transfers are a group of 4 Turkish journalists whose cases have been continuing at lower level courts.

Mass circulation daily Hurriyet reporter Sebati Karakurt's case where he is charged for an interview conducted with outlawed Kurdish Peoples' Congress (Kongra-Gel) was initially opened at a High Criminal Court but then transferred to a Criminal Court of First Instance. With a new decision taken under the Anti-Terror Law, his case, where editors Necdet Tatlican and Hasan Kilic are co-defendants, is to go back to a High Criminal Court.

Similarly, daily Milliyet newspaper reporter Namik Durukan who interviewed outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan's brother Osman Ocalan will also be tried at a High Criminal Court if his appeal against this decision is rejected.

The fact that the courts these newsmen will appear at are "Specialized High Criminal Courts" is seen as a resurrection of the controversial post-coup State Security Courts (DGM) which were abolished in 2004 under the European Union reforms.

Lack of Jurisdiction in 2 Cases

Decisions to send the four newsmen to be tried at Specialized High Criminal Courts were taken on Friday, September 21, by an Istanbul Court of First Instance.

In two separate cases heard at the Bagcilar 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance, the bench decided on lack of jurisdiction under the amendments made in the Anti Terror Law as published in the Official Gazette on July 18. The amended article 9 of the law states that cases regarding offences described in the law will be heard at High Criminal Courts and that children over the age of 15 who commit such offences will also be prosecuted at such courts.

The first case was that involving Durukan for his April 29, 2005 interview published in the Milliyet newspaper. Interviewed by Durukan after the birth of his son, Osman Ocalan who led a splinter group out of the ranks of the PKK, told the journalists of the many changes that affected his life and openly criticized the PKK.

"Osman is rocking the cradle " and "PKK should withdraw" were the headlines of Durukan's interview in published format and in Friday's hearing where he rejected charges against him, the newsman maintained that the interview was not a propaganda of the organization but in fact a criticism of its conduct.

Facing up to five years imprisonment if found guilty, Durukan told the court on Friday "I do not accept the allegations. There was no propaganda of the organization, it was criticized. In the news report Osman Ocalan's leaving the organization and his criticism directed at the organization were covered. The changes that affected Osman Ocalan after the birth of his child while being referred to as leader of a 'child killing' organization were explained".

Despite Durukan's defense and his being an accredited journalist operating in the Southeast region for many years, Judge Muhterem Bulut chose to act in accord with the opinion of Prosecutor Mehmet Sahin and under the amendment mad to the Anti-Terror Law decided on a lack of jurisdiction and for the case file to be sent to the Istanbul Justice Hall for a trial to be held at a High Criminal Court.

Kandil interview back to High Court

An October 10, 2004 article in the Sunday edition of Hurriyet newspaper titled "Women Awareness Exceeds Kurdish Identity in Kandil" was based on an interview conducted by reporter Sebati Karakurt on Kandil mountain, the rural headquarters of the Kongra-Gel which is a continuation of the PKK.

Karakurt was promptly charged for "publishing the statements of a terror organization" and prosecuted for this and conducting propaganda of the terror organization. The newspaper's editors Necdet Tatlican and Hasan Kilic were prosecuted for propaganda too.

In addition to his interview with Kongra-Gel leader Murat Karayilan, Karakurt had written a news report reflecting the changes in the lives of militants living on Kandil mountain for so many years, inclusive of awareness of women rights and a rising consciousness of their own identity of female militants.

Karakurt's house was raided after the news went into print, leading to reaction among journalist groups but his case launched initially at a High Criminal Court was transferred to a Court of First Instance.

Last week, like in Durukan's case, the Bagcilar 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance rejected to continue to hear this case which has now also been sent to the High Criminal Court. (BIA News Center, Erol ONDEROGLU, September 25, 2006)

IHD Blames Terror Law for Recent Prosecutions

Turkish police have detained 114 suspects including journalists and radio workers in what has turned out to be a counter-terrorism operation that involves not only the organization it targets, but a number of legitimate unions that were recently involved in industrial disputes, a women's rights association, a leftwing newspaper and a popular liberal radio station based in Istanbul.

Turkey's Human Rights Association (IHD) reflected on the "concerning developments" taking place throughout the country and in a joint statement made with representatives of other rights groups has said "the practices enforced are worrying. Raids and detentions are seen by us as obstacles placed in front of the forces of democracy".

According to a report issued by Ozgur Radyo [Free Radio] that was searched by 30 policemen extensively last week after entries and exists to its street were placed under control, a total of 14 people have so far been arrested as part of the operation in the cities of Izmir, Ankara, Adana, Sivas, Mugla and Manisa where they have been sent to prison.

While 82 suspects are still believed to be held in detention across the country, 31 of the suspects including Ozgur Radyo's news editor Halil Dinc and radio executive Sinan Gercek were detained in metropolitan Istanbul.

The radio's Broadcast Coordinator Fusun Erdogan had been previously detained and placed under arrest. She is being kept at Gebze prison where she has refused to give any statement on grounds that she has not been informed of any charges leveled against her.

Ozgur Radyo and a leftwing newspaper are the worst to suffer from the recent roundup.

At core of the operation is the underground Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) which was formed in 1994 as a unification of two leftist groups known as the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist Leninist Movement (TKP/ML Hareketi) and the Communist Workers Movement of Turkey (TKIH).

The operation follows a recent hack and takeover of the organization's web site by a group of extreme nationalist hackers.

Targeted in the operation in addition to the radio though is what some experts regard as a substitute to an organizational voice, the Atilim (Leap) newspaper, also known as the voice of the Socialist Platform of the Oppressed (ESP).

Banned for 15 days from print with a previous court order, Atilim said in its English language report online that its Chief Editor, Chief Coordinator and writers "were among the 23 revolutionaries and communists those who have been imprisoned recently" in reference to the initial roundup.

It claimed the banning order was taken due to its "reporting on the recent detentions and imprisonments". But a September 13 statement issued by the MLKP and titled ""For the Victory of Revolution, Long Live MLKP!" was given in full, and in English text immediately under the banning report.

During last week's raids in Istanbul, other places subject to search were the central and Kartal offices of Atilim newspaper as well as Gunes Agency where its technical work is carried out, the Socialist Platform of the Oppressed (ESP) building itself and the Gulsuyu Art and Life Magazine premises.

Concern for rights

What has come as most worrying for Turkish human rights groups were the new search warrants enforced late last week on a number of establishments including the offices of leading Turkish unions.

Police teams not only conducted searches in the offices of Ozgur Radyo and Atilim, but also entered and searched the Laborer Women's Association, Science Education Esthetic Culture Research Foundation (BEKSAV), Dockyard Ship Building-Repairs Workers Union (Limter-Is) and Tekstil-Sen offices.

While there were no immediate reports of mistreatment, a number of documents and communication were seized alongside computers used in the radio station. The searches, it was reported, were conducted alongside a representative of the Istanbul Chamber of Commerce as well as officials from the Security Branch and Financial Branch of the police.

Before the week was wrapped up and as concern over the operation mounted, the IHD Istanbul Branch hosted a press conference on September 22 with the participation of other rights groups and representatives of the establishments subject to police search.

Arguing that with the passing of the recent amendments to Turkey's controversial Anti-Terror Law pressure on the democratic society had increased dramatically, the groups expressed concern and anxiety that the recent operation was part of the restrictions imposed on democratic forces.

International PEN Turkey Center representative Ragip Zarakolu, Democratic Society Party (DTP) Provincial Chairman Dogan Erbas, Socialist Democracy Pary (SDP) and Party of Labor (EMEP) provincial organization representatives were among those present to support IHD's public concerns. (BIA News Center, Erol ONDEROGLU, September 25, 2006)

New anti-teror law is used against the freedom of expression

The Chairman of Freedom to Publish Committee, Ragip Zarakolu, has issued the following alarming declaration on the recent arrests made under the new Anti-Terror Law:

"Last week a mass arresting campaign began against left reviews in istanbul. The editors of the reviews Atilim and Sanat ve Hayat review as well of the Free Radio were arrested, their offices were searched by special police teams. The Art and Cultur Institution Beksav too was subjected to similar researchs.

"New anti teror law is used not against the teror but against the freedom of expression.

"Last week two kurdish reviews, Ozgur Halk and Genç Bakis had the same fate.

"Beksav made a press conference for 90. anniversary of Armenian Genocide last year. Sanat ve Hayat review published three booklets as free supplements about Armenian literature and genocide.

"We are calling the attention of human rights and writer and publisher organisations to this misusing of Anti-teror Law against the freedom of expression.

"The President of Turkey sent this law to the Constitutional Court, saying that this new law is against the freedom of expression.

"These police operations carried out in spite of the opposition of the President of The Republic mean giving an opportunity to the government and the military to finish the opposition press in Turkey before the high court cancels this law.

"We are in need of urgent reaction of democratic world public opinion." (rzarakolu@aol.com, September 25, 2006)

TIHV: "Not only 301,  Fourteen Articles Need Change"

The Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) has stated that lifting of obstacles in front of freedom of expression in Turkey could not be confined to amending only Penal Code article 301 as there were at least 14 articles in whole that could create problems for freedom of expression and be used in place of each other.

A new report published by TIHV under the title "Freedom of Expression and Recent Developments in Turkey" revealed that from January till September 18, 2006, a total of 96 authors, publishers, journalists and intellectuals had been prosecuted and appeared before courts in the country only for what they had written in books or in the media.

Foundation Chairman Yavuz Onen said that other than the 14 articles that needed to be changed, various laws such as the Anti-Terror Law, the Law to Protect Ataturk, Press Law and RTUK Code restricted the freedom of expression.

Onen: The soul of the laws need change

Onen said that in order for freedom of expression to settle in Turkey, the soul and essence of all of these laws needed to be changed and gave as example Thursday's acquittal of author Elif Shakaf in Istanbul on charges under controversial article 301.

"Unless this happens" he said, "there will be no meaning in the amendments. And whether or not the cases opened and heard under these articles lead to an acquit